Sources 1860-1869

Merchants and traders in Newcastle-upon-Tyne (1515-1898)

The society of Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle-upon-Tyne consisted of those who had obtained freedom of the city (allowing them to trade there) by birth as a son of, or apprenticeship, to a freeman: and within that, freedom of one of the three 'trades', i. e. boothman, draper or mercer. F. W. Dendy prepared extracts from the merchant adventurers' records, the second volume, published by the Surtees Society in 1899 containing extracts from the minute books relating to the history of the merchants' court, an account of the long-standing dispute between the Newcastle company and the London company, some extracts relating to the relations between the Newcastle company and the Eastland Company (who had a monopoly of the trade with Russia and the Baltic), copies of the oaths used by the Newcastle company, the London company and the Eastland Company, and (pages 185 to 381) a list of the apprentices enrolled in, and of the freemen admitted to, the Newcastle company. This list is arranged in a table of seven columns: Name of Apprentice; Name of Father of Apprentice and Observations (particularly, instances where an apprentice is passed over to a new master during his apprenticeship); Master; Boothman (B.), Draper (D.) or Mercer (M.); Date of Indentures: Enrolment: Admission. All the dates are normalised to New Style, i. e. to the modern calendar. Finally, there is a list of sons and apprentices of members who, having thus acquired the right of freedom of the city, took up the freedom, but did not assume the freedom of any of the three trades. The index covers all the contents of the volume, not just the apprentice and freemen lists.
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Nottingham borough officers and officials (1836-1900)

In 1956 this ninth and extra volume was added to the series called Nottingham Borough Records, containing precis of selections from the council and committee minutes for this period.
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Gravestones in the British New Cemetery, Sant Rocco, the Ionian Islands (1838-1864)

The Ionian Islands were occupied by British forces in 1809-1814, established as a British protectorate in 1815, and ceded to Greece in 1864. Otho Alexander, British Vice-Consul there, about 1900 transcribed the surviving legible inscriptions from the British New Cemetery at Sant Rocco, as well as those at Paxo and Santa Maura cemeteries.
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Men of the Lanarkshire Regiment who fought in the New Zealand War (1845-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for the 99th (Lanarkshire) Regiment of Foot: for service in the New Zealand campaign: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870. The regiment had been sent to Tasmania in 1842 and was moved to New Zealand in 1845; the men returned to their depot at Cork in Ireland, 29 May 1856. The main New Zealand campaign took place in 1863 to 1866, but in 1870 there remained some men in the regiment able to claim the medal on account of their service in New Zealand in 1845 to 1856.
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Gravestones in the British New Cemetery, Sant Rocco, the Ionian Islands (1850-1869)

The Ionian Islands were occupied by British forces in 1809-1814, established as a British protectorate in 1815, and ceded to Greece in 1864. Otho Alexander, British Vice-Consul there, about 1900 transcribed the surviving legible inscriptions from the British New Cemetery at Sant Rocco, as well as those at Paxo and Santa Maura cemeteries.
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Unclaimed Naval Prize Money (1855-1902)

Various prize moneys were awarded to officers and men who served on board her Majesty's ships. For one reason or another a substantial number of these prizes, from as little as a shilling or two to as much as many pounds, remained undistributed by 1902, when this comprehensive list of the unclaimed moneys was printed: it lists unclaimed shares of prize money, slave and pirate bounties, salvage awards, parliamentary grants, gratuities and other moneys distributed by the Admiralty 1855 to 1902, but which omits moneys for service on the China Station during the war of 1856 to 1880, and special gratuities for service in Egypt (1882), Soudan (1884) and Soudan and Nile Expedition (1884-1885), for which there are separate indexes. In each case the sailor's name is given first (surname, then christian name or initials); rank or rating; ship in which serving at time of capture or award; and the amount due.
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British infantry fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 67th (The South Hampshire) Regiment of Foot, based at Athlone, embarked for India 18 September 1858, and was transferred to China in 1859, taking part in the capture of the Taku Forts and Pekin, and the operations against the Taiping rebels in 1862 to 1863: the right wing was moved to Japan in 1864 for the occupation of Yokohama. The regiment returned to the Cape of Good Hope in 1865, and back to Ireland in 1866.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Acorn (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; and the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Actaeon (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Adventure (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Algerine (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Amethyst (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Assistance (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Banterer (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Barracouta (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Beagle (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Belleisle (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Bittern (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Bustard (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Calcutta (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Camilla (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Chesapeake (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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British civilians fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860; a few civilians, listed here, also received the honour.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Clown (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Comus (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Cormorant (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Cruiser (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Drake (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Elk (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Encounter (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and the Pekin clasp, for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Esk (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Firm (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Forester (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; and the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Furious (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Fury (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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British general staff fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. As well as the regimental rolls there are papers relating to the award of the medal and clasps to members of the general staff, and these are indexed here.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Haughty (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Hesper (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Highflyer (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Hornet (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Inflexible (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Insolent (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Janus (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Kestrel (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Lee (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Leven (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Medical men fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. Many members of the British Army medical staff received this medal.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Nankin (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; and the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Niger (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Nimrod (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Opossum (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Pique (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Plover (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; and the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Royal Artillery fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. Several batteries of the Royal Artillery took part in these actions.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Racehorse (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Raleigh (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857.
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Royal Engineers fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. Several companies of Royal Engineers took part in these actions.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Sampson (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Sans Pareil (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Slaney (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Special awards for service in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. A few medals were awarded for special service by various individuals in this conflict.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Starling (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; and the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Staunch (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Surprise (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1858 clasp, for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Sybille (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857; and the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Members of the British military train fighting in China (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. Among the recipients of the medals were members of the Military Train.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Tribune (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Fatshan clasp, for being actually present during the successful operations against the Chinese war junks in the Escapo creek, which commenced 25 May and were finally closed at Fatshan 1 June 1857.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Urgent (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Watchful (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Winchester (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Woodcock (1856-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from 1856 to 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; and the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Unclaimed Naval Prize Money from the China War (1856-1860)

Various prize moneys were awarded to officers and men who served on board her Majesty's ships on the China Station during the war of 1856 to 1880. Firstly, there was a parliamentary grant of one month's pay to those serving on the Acorn*, Actaeon*, Adventure, Algerine*, Amethyst, Assistance*, Banterer*, Barracouta, Belleisle, Bustard, Calcutta*, Camilla, Clown*, Comus, Cormorant, Cruiser*, Drake*, Elk*, Encounter, Esk*, Firm*, Forester*, Furious*, Fury, Haughty*, Hesper*, Highflyer*, Hornet*, Inflexible*, Janus*, Kestrel*, Lee*, Leven*, Melville, Minden, Nankin*, Niger*, Nimrod*, Opossum*, Pique, Plover*, Princess Charlotte, Racehorse*, Raleigh, Sampson*, Sans Pareil*, Slaney*, Spartan, Starling*, Staunch*, Surprise*, Sybille*, Tribune, Volcano*, Watchful*, Winchester, and Woodcock*; in addition Canton booty was awarded to those serving on the ships asterisked (plus the Bittern and Coromandel tenders) at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and captured. Then those on board the Bustard, Cruiser, Esk, Forester, Haughty, Highflyer, Lee, Niger, Nimrod, Sampson, Surprise, and the boats of the Elk, were rewarded for the captures of junks for breach of blockade of Canton River between 29 August and 19 December 1857. Other captures made by her Majesty's ships led to various other awards distributed between 1 January 1855 and 19 February 1863. Nevertheless, for one reason or another a substantial number of these prizes, from as little as 1s 7d to as much as 28, remained undistributed by 1902, when this comprehensive list of the unclaimed moneys was printed. In each case the sailor's name is given first (surname, then christian name or initials); rank or rating; ship in which serving at time of capture or award; parliamentary award; Canton booty; captures for breach of blockade of Canton River; other captures; and then the total.
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Tulip Exhibitors (1856-1860)

This analysis of exhibitors at the Royal National Tulip Society, compiled for The Midland Florist, gives the name of the exhibitor (surname first, in capitals), address (sometimes omitted), the year of the show, the number and nature of the exhibits, and the highest prize achieved.
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British infantry fighting in China (1858-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 2nd battalion, the 1st (The Royal) Regiment of Foot, based at Birr, left Ireland for Cephalonia 31 January 1853. After fighting in the Crimea, the battalion was moved to Malta, then to Gibraltar; was transferred from Gibraltar to China in 1858; and did not return to England until 1861. The battalion took part in the capture of the Taku Forts and that of Pekin.
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Memorials of dead Wesleyans (1860-1860)

The Christian Miscellany and Family Visiter, a Wesleyan Methodist monthly published in London, carried two or three obituaries in each issue, under the heading Memorials of the Dead. Each concentrates on the subject's spiritual life, and often will dwell on his or her expressions of resolute Christian faith in the face of death. The index includes, as well as the deceased, the occasional other persons (such as the Reverend James Taylor in this sample scan) mentioned in the narratives.
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Tabular record of Wesleyan mortality (1860-1860)

The Christian Miscellany and Family Visiter, a Wesleyan Methodist monthly published in London, carried, in most issues, a Tabular Record of Mortality, listing recent deaths. The columns of the table are: Name, Residence, [Methodist] Circuit, Age, and Date of Death.
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Classics students at Cambridge University (1860-1860)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (students getting exactly equal marks are bracketed together with the note 'AEq.'). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. In each year two students were singled out for the Chancellor's Medals, and these are marked, (A) for senior, (B) for junior (or with a paragraph mark if adjudged of equal merit). These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Law students at Cambridge University (1860-1860)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of students with equal marks being bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became judges, &c. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Mathematics students at Cambridge University (1860-1860)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (Wranglers, Senior Optimes and Junior Optimes), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together, with the word 'AEq.'). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. Winners of Dr Smith's Mathematical Prizes are marked (1) senior, (2) for junior. The Greek letter alpha is affixed to the names of those students who had gained first class results in the Classical Tripos; beta to those entered in the second class; and gamma to those entered in the third class. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Natural Sciences students at Cambridge University (1860-1860)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First and Second), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Students at the first examination are listed as Commencing Bachelors; at the last examination as Middle Bachelors. Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Theology students at Cambridge University (1860-1860)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Students at the first examination are listed as Commencing Bachelors; at the last examination as Middle Bachelors. Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Officers of the British Army (1860-1860)

The New Annual Army List first lists officers of the rank of major and above, by rank, and with dates of appointment to each successive higher rank, and (where appropriate) when placed on half pay. An asterisk indicates temporary rank; a superscript p shows that a commission was purchased; a dagger shows officers on the half pay of their last regimental commission. An ornate W indicates those officers actually present in any of the actions of 16, 17 or 18 June 1815 and therefore awarded the Waterloo Medal; P is put before the name of an officer who served in the Peninsula or the South of France; T for the Battle of Trafalgar; VC for the Victoria Cross. For each officer in this section, the final column notes his then present or immediately former regiment and/or office, if any. Next, all the officers of the army are listed, down to the rank of ensign, by regiment or corps, giving rank, name, date of rank in the regiment, and date of rank in the army, with occasional further notes. Again, holders of medals are duly noted, as in the first list. For each regiment the paymaster, adjutant, quartermaster, surgeon and assistant surgeons are named, as well as the civilian agent; and the regimental motto, battle honours, and colours of the facings and lace of the dress uniform are stated. After the British regiments of the line, the Rifle Brigade, the officers of the West India infantry, the Ceylon rifles, the Cape Mounted Riflemen, the Royal Canadian Rifles, St Helena Regiment and the Gold Coast Artillery Corps are given; then the officers of the garrisons and other military establishments; the Royal Artillery; Royal Engineers; Royal Marines; Commissariat Department; Medical Department; Staff Officers of Pensioners; Chaplains' Department; Staff (of Great Britain, Australia, Bahamas, Bermuda, British Columbia, Cape of Good Hope, Ceylon, East Indies, Falkland Islands, Gibraltar, Heligoland, Hong Kong, Ionian Islands, Jamaica (including Honduras), Malta, Mauritius, Newfoundland, North America, St Helena, the Western Coast of Africa, and the Windward and Leeward Islands); Military and Civil Department; and Barrack Masters. Then there is a separate list of officers retained on retired full pay and half pay (including the German Legion, the Brunswick Cavalry, the Brunswick Infantry, Chasseurs Brittaniques, Royal Corsican Rangers, the Greek Light Infantry, Royal Malta Regiment, Meuron's Regiment, Roll's Regiment, Sicilian Regiment, Watteville's Regiment, the York Light Infantry Volunteers, Foreign Veteran Battalion and the Foreign Corps of Waggoners).
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Dragoon guards fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 1st (The King's) Regiment of Dragoon Guards (based in Canterbury) returned from the Crimea in July 1856, embarked for India 24 August 1857, and from there was transferred to China. The regiment took part in the capture of the Taku Forts and that of Pekin.
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British infantry fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 1st battalion, the 2nd (The Queen's Royal) Regiment of Foot, based at Walmer, embarked for the Cape of Good Hope 24 June 1851. The battalion took part in the capture of the Taku Forts and in that of Pekin.
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British infantry fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 31st (the Huntingdonshire) Regiment of Foot, based at Chatham, embarked for Corfu 24 January 1853, served in the Crimea, had arrived in India by 1859, and was transferred to China in 1860, returning to England in 1863. The regiment took part in the capture of the Taku Forts.
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British infantry fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 1st battalion, the 3rd (East Kent) Regiment of Foot (the Buffs), based in Limerick, embarked for Malta 2 April 1851. The battalion took part on in the capture of the Taku Forts.
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British infantry fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 44th (The East Essex) Regiment of Foot, based at Colchester, having returned from the Crimea, embarked for India 26 August 1857, and was transferred thence to China. The regiment took part in the capture of the Taku Forts.
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British riflemen fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 2nd battalion, the 60th (The King's Royal Rifle Corps) Regiment, based in Winchester, embarked for the Cape of Good Hope in June 1851, and after taking part in the Kaffir War, was moved to India, where it helped deal with the Mutiny. In 1860 the battalion was transferred to China. The regiment took part in the capture of the Taku Forts and that of Pekin.
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British infantry fighting in China (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors who took part in the prosecution of the war against the Chinese from 1856 to 1860. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured; for being actually engaged in the operations which ceased with the first capture of the Taku Forts, 20 May 1858, and led to the Treaty of Tientsin; for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860. The 99th (Lanarkshire) Regiment of Foot, based at Cork, embarked for India in September 1858, and was transferred to China in 1860; moved to South Africa in 1865, and returned to England in 1869. The regiment took part in the capture of Pekin.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Cambrian (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and the Pekin clasp, for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Centaur (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged from in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors on board Her Majesty's gunboat Cockchafer (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this boat was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Flamer (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Grasshopper (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Hardy (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors on board Her Majesty's gunboat Havoc (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this boat are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Imperieuse (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and the Pekin clasp, for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Magicienne (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Odin (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Pearl (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Pioneer (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Retribution (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Re(y)nard (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Pekin clasp, for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Ringdove (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Roebuck (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Scout (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860; and the Pekin clasp, for being actually present before Pekin the day the gate of that city was given up to the allied (British and French) army, viz. on 13 October 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Simoom (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Snake (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Snap (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Sparrowhawk (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Sphinx (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Volcano (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Canton clasp, for being actually present at Canton on 28 and 29 December 1857, when that city was bombarded and finally captured.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Vulcan (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent. After the main roll there is a section showing which of the men also qualified for clasps. Separate clasps were awarded for men who had been in receipt of the China Medal of 1842; for the taking of Fatshan in 1857, Canton in 1857, Taku Forts in 1858, Taku Forts in 1860, and Pekin in 1860. Most of the men on this ship are shown as having been given the Taku Forts 1860 clasp, for being actually present at the capture of the Taku Forts 21 August 1860.
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Sailors and marines on board Her Majesty's ship Weazel (1860-1860)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this ship was engaged in 1860. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Outstanding British artillerymen (1860-1860)

Non-commissioned officers and men of the Royal Artillery recommended for good conduct medals and gratuities. The lists state rank, name, battalion or corps, date of recommendation, date awarded, and total length of service (in years and days), with length of foreign service (in years and months) and as serjeant and staff serjeant (in years and months). The lists themselves are basically of recommendations, then annotated to show award of medal and/or gratuity, which in most cases naturally followed. Where an award was not made, the reason is usually given. Where a man's name is crossed through it should not be assumed that he was deleted from the list: sometimes the name is crossed through when the medal has been dispatched. (The sample scan is from 1847)
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Boys entering Wellington College in Berkshire (1860-1860)

Wellington College, near Wokingham, was originally founded for the education of sons of military officers. A register of boys entering the school from First Term 1859 to Michaelmas 1933 was compiled by F. G. Lawrence for the Old Wellingtonian Society. In each entry the boy's name is given in full, in bold, surname first; age at entry (usually 11 to 14); then, in brackets, the name of the dormitory or house to which he belonged, in italics, with the years of his stay; then his father's name (usually surname and initials, but not christian name) with military decorations where appropriate. School prefects and captains are noted as such; if the boy played cricket for the school, XI with the years; academic honours, scholarships, &c.; a brief biography; and date of death, or (where known) address in 1933. Year of marriage is given, and sometimes the wife's name and/or her father's name. Clearly, those boys who kept contact with the school and/or had distinguished military careers have detailed entries; others disappeared into oblivion on leaving.
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Boys entering Epsom College (1860-1860)

The Royal Medical Benevolent College at Epsom in Surrey was founded in 1853 for the orphans of the medical profession, and evolved to become a public school still largely catering for sons of doctors and surgeons. In 1955 this register of pupils, from 1855 to 1954, edited by T. R. Thomson, was published. The sample scan is from 1880. The entries are arranged alphabetically by surname under year of entrance to the school; surname first (in bold), christian names, and then (in most cases), the father's name, occupation and address: then the boy's year of birth (b.), year of leaving (l.), occupation, and, where known, year of death (d.) This is the index to the year 1860, when the Reverend Robinson Thornton was headmaster.
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Boys entering Marlborough College (1860-1860)

The public school at Marlborough in Wiltshire was founded in 1843. In 1952 this, 9th, edition of the college register was published, being a revision by L. Warwick James of the 8th edition (of 1936): but for the years before 1936 it does not merely repeat the 8th edition, because Warwick James was able to correct the 19th-century entries with information from newly-discovered letters and books from 1843 to 1853, and the school lists from 1844 onwards. The roll is arranged by year, and within each year by term of entrance, and then alphabetically by surname within each term. Each boy is assigned a number within the year: then his name is given, surname first, and, in brackets, where a boarder, his house. The houses within the college were called B1, B2, B3, C1, C2 and C3, and the Lower School (L Sch); the out college houses were Preshute, Priory, Cotton, Hermitage, Littlefield, Barton Hill, Summerfield and Upcot. Then there is given the boy's father's name (surname and initials) and address (at entrance), the boy's date of birth (b) and month of leaving (l). Where the boy represented the school at Rugby football (XV) or cricket (XI), in the rifle corps (VIII, or RC XI), that is indicated. There is a brief summary of achievements in later life, and, where known, and date of death or (in italics) address as in 1952.
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Boys entering Crewkerne School (1860-1860)

Crewkerne Grammar School in Somerset was founded in 1499; as part of the quatercentenary celebrations a History of Crewkerne School, by the Reverend R. Grosvenor Bartelot, was published in 1899; and this included this school register from 1828 to 1899. Until 1877 only foundationers (day boys part of whose fees was paid out of the school foundation) are listed; thereafter boarders as well as day scholars. Names are arranged by date of entrance; surname is given first, then christian name, age at entry, date of entering, and date of leaving.
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Boys entering Sherborne School (1860-1860)

The grammar school at Sherborne in Dorset, which doubtless existed from the creation of the diocese of Sherborne in 705, was refounded by king Edward VI in 1550. At the quatercentenary in 1950, a fourth edition of the Sherborne Register was published, listing boys entering the school during those four centuries. In truth, the materials for this register survive but fitfully before 1823; for some years, no names are known; sometimes all that is known is a surname. But from 1823 onwards the lists and the details get steadily more comprehensive. By the 20th century the boys are listed alphabetically by surname under term of entrance. Surname is given in bold, then christian names, name of father (surname and initials) and address; year of birth; house (a, School House; b, Abbey House; c, The Green; d, Harper House (formerly The Retreat); f, Abbeylands; g, Lyon House; h, Westcott House); whether represented the school at cricket (xi), football (xv), shooting (viii), &c.; year of leaving; summary of degrees, career &c.; and (in italics), address as of 1950. Names in the early lists marked with an asterisk are found inscribed on the oak panelling or on the stone walls of the former schoolroom. (F) in the lists indicates a foundationer, receiving free education: after 1827, when this privilege was restricted to boys from Sherborne and neighbourhood, nearly all foundationers were day-boys.
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Boys entering Loretto School (1860-1860)

The Reverend Dr Thomas Langhorne, who came to Musselburgh in Midlothian as an Episcopalian Church clergyman, established a small school for boarders and day scholars at Loretto House, so called because the grounds contained the ruins of the mediaeval chapel of St Mary of Loretto. To celebrate the centenary of the school in 1925, a second edition of the school register was published, edited by A. H. Buchanan-Dunlop. Relatively little was known of many of the earliest scholars, but from 1835 onwards the register generally gives full name, in capitals, surname first; date of birth; period of time at Loretto; a brief biography; date of death; whether brother of any other boy in the register; and a sequential number.
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Boys entering Gresham's School (1860-1860)

The Sir John Gresham Grammar School at Holt in Norfolk was founded by sir John, who bought the manor house there in 1546 to convert it into a school, and building work had started by 1555. To celebrate the quatercentenary in 1955, a history of the school written by the Reverend C. L. S. Linnell was published, together with an Alumni Greshamienses, a register of boys entering the school from 1562 to 1954, compiled by A. B. Douglas. The materials to hand for the register for the early years were slight; the first coherent lists of boys survive only from 1729, and then are fitful, with little detail, and largely missing from 1784 to 1803; however, from 1810 onwards the names of boys' parents are usually recorded. The register is arranged chronologically by year (and from 1900 by term - L, Lent; M, Michaelmas; S, Summer), and then alphabetically by surname (in capitals) and christian name(s). Where known, year of birth is then given (in brackets), names, addresses and occupations of parents. From 1900 onwards there are italic abbreviations for sporting achievements at school (h, hockey colours; VIII, shooting colours; S, first-class swimmer; XI, cricket colours; XV, football colours), and p for house prefect and P for school prefect; then (in italics) information about the boy's adult life, and his address (where living) at the time of publication. Finally, on the right hand side of the page, in italics, is given the year of his leaving the school. Most detail is absent before 1810; and, of course, for the boys still at school in 1955, or only recently left, there are no details of future career; nor are there the usual details about their parentage. From 1898 onwards day boys are noted with an italic D (N means Newquay dayboy); and from 1900 onwards the school houses are shown (B, Bengal Lodge; F, Farfield; H, School House or Howson's; K, Kenwyn; O, Old School House; W, Woodlands); and, for the junior school, c, Crossways; k, Kenwyn; o, Old School House).
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Patentees of New Inventions (1860-1860)

Abstracts of British patents for new inventions applied for and granted from 1 January to 31 December 1860: giving date, name and address, and short description of the invention. It is then stated whether 'Letters patent sealed' or 'Provisional protection only'.
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Boys entering Brighton College (1860-1860)

This edition of the Brighton College Register was published in 1922. The plan of the publication was to list boys by year or, later, term of entry. Each name is assigned a sequential number, 5000 boys, in all, being recorded. Full name is given (surname first, in bold); year of birth; year of leaving; and then (wherever the compiler had such information) a short biography, ending with date of death, where known.
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Boys entering Trinity College, Glenalmond (1860-1860)

Trinity College, Glenalmond, Perthshire, was originally founded as a college at which young men might be trained for the ministry of the Scottish Episcopal Church, and the sons of the laity might be educated and brought up in the faith and tradition of the Church. In 1876 the Theological College was transferred to Edinburgh, Glenalmond remaining as a boys' school. This second edition of the school register, edited by G. St Quintin, was published in 1955, incorporating the text of the first edition prepared by E. W. Neish. The scholars are listed by term of entering the school, and then alphabetically by surname; the details then given are full christian names, date of birth; name of father; any distinctions within the school; and then a career synopsis, with date and place of death where known.
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Boys entering Giggleswick School (1860-1860)

The school at Giggleswick in the West Riding of Yorkshire dates from at least 1507, but no register of the boys attending there has survived earlier than one started by the headmaster, the reverend George Style, in 1875. When the bursar, H. L. Mullins, prepared this, 'The Giggleswick School Register', printed in 1913, he was able to compile general details of some scholars from earlier years, but the concerted, reasonably complete, account starts in 1859. The details are arranged by term of entry, then alphabetically by surname and christian name. Typically each description gives full name; date of birth; name and address of father; date of leaving. Where known, Mullins then added a brief career synopsis, present address in 1913, or date of death.
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Boys entering Cheltenham College (1860-1860)

Cheltenham College 'was founded in order to provide for the sons of gentlemen a Classical, Mathematical, and General Education of the highest order, on moderate terms, in strict conformity with the principles and doctrines of the Church of England.' Andrew Alexander Hunter, the college registrar, compiled the first edition of the College Register in four parts from 1883 to 1886: these merely listed the boys by term of entry, with their dates of birth and names and addresses of their fathers. Circulars were also sent out to all Old Cheltonians whose addresses were known, requesting additional details. On the basis of the returns from these and Hunter's further researches, this much fuller register was published in 1890. The information after each boy's name is given (where known and applicable) in this format: father's full name and address as of the time the boy entered the college; class and department on entering the college (classes being number from 1 downwards, and these again divided into A and B, some into C and D, others into P (Principal's side) and V. P. (Vice-Principal's side) - 1A was the highest class in each department: besides this, certain others were called Addiscombe, Woolwich, Civil, Direct, Line, Sandhurst, Naval, Special, Preparatory, Latin, and India Civil) and the same on leaving, name of Boarding House (or 'Day Boy'), scholastic and athletic honours attained at the college, and subsequent career (including date and place of death, or present address in 1890, if known).
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Boys entering Elizabeth College, Guernsey (1860-1860)

Elizabeth College, Guernsey, was founded in 1563 and rechartered in 1825. Charles James Durand, Kentish Brock and Edward Charles Ozanne compiled this edition of the college register, published in 1898. The names are arranged by term of entering the school, with a sequential number, surname and christian names in bold: then place and date of birth, father's name or reference to a brother previously at the school; and year of leaving. Beneath that, in smaller type, the compilers put what they could glean about the boy's subsequent career.
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Boys entering Leeds Grammar School: Upper (Classical) Department (1860-1860)

The admission books for Leeds Grammar School from 1820 to 1900 were edited by Edmund Wilson and published in 1906. The series of registers is almost complete for the period, there being in addition admission registers for the Lower (or Commercial) Department from 1856 to 1865, and lists of boys in the school in 1856, and in the Commercial Department in 1861. The entries are arranged by date or term of admission: a sequential number is given first, then surname, christian name, and, after a dash, father's christian name, occupation, and address; another dash, and then the age of the boy at admission, and often his year of leaving (with the abbreviation r. for 'removed' or 'left'). r.* means left without notice; (o) or S. or Stranger or Foreigner indicates a boy not on the foundation. The editor was unable to divine the meaning of the abbreviation (Q) or the asterisks prefixed to most entries in 1856 to 1860, but dutifully copies them into the text. In smaller type he then proceeds, where possible, to add some information about the boy's subsequent career.
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Boys entering Leeds Grammar School Lower (Commercial) Department (1860-1860)

The admission books for Leeds Grammar School from 1820 to 1900 were edited by Edmund Wilson and published in 1906. The series of registers is almost complete for the period, there being in addition admission registers for the Lower (or Commercial) Department from 1856 to 1865, and lists of boys in the school in 1856, and in the Commercial Department in 1861. The entries are arranged by date or term of admission: a sequential number is given first, then surname, christian name, and, after a dash, father's christian name, occupation, and address; another dash, and then the age of the boy at admission, and often his year of leaving (with the abbreviation r. for 'removed' or 'left'). r.* means left without notice; (o) or S. or Stranger or Foreigner indicates a boy not on the foundation. The editor was unable to divine the meaning of the abbreviation (Q) or the asterisks prefixed to most entries in 1856 to 1860, but dutifully copies them into the text. In smaller type he then proceeds, where possible, to add some information about the boy's subsequent career.
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Boys entering Harrow School (1860-1860)

This First Volume of the Second Series of the Harrow School Register was edited by J. H. Stogdon and published in 1925. The boys are listed by term of entrance, and then alphabetically by surname and christian names (in bold). Next, in brackets and in italics, is the school house to which he belonged - or, H. B. indicating a day boy whose family lived in Harrow. Stogdon then gives the father's surname and initials, and address. In cases where the boy was prominent in sports at school, or won academic prizes, scholarships &c., that is given; then the year of leaving the school; and a synopsis of his career, so far as known.
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Boys entering Sedbergh School (1860-1860)

B. Wilson prepared this edition of the register of the Grammar School at Sedbergh in the West Riding of Yorkshire, published in 1895. Sedbergh school had three exhibitions at St John's College, Cambridge, and for the earliest years little more could be found about the pupils at the school than was recorded at St John's or other colleges. In 1700-1706 the first material from Sedbergh appears, but no more than lists of surnames. From 1746 onwards full names, or surnames and initials, are found for those boys who did not continue to university. It is only from 1820 onwards that the school register starts to give detail: month of entry, age, birthplace, and month of leaving. From then onwards Wilson was able to add more and more biographical detail, except, of course, for those boys in 1895 still at the school or with their careers yet ahead of them.
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Boys entering Uppingham School (1860-1860)

The public school at Uppingham in Rutland was founded by Archdeacon Johnson in 1584. A roll of scholars from 1824 to 1905 was edited by J. P. Graham, and published in 1906. This was a revision and updating of an 1894 edition of the roll, the great bulk of the work having been done by Mrs Mullins. The roll is arranged by year, and within each year by term of entrance, and then alphabetically by surname within each term. Each boy's name is given, surname first, with an asterisk where known (in 1906) to have died. Then there is month and year of birth, father's name (most often just surname and initials) and address (at entrance). Where the boy represented the school at Rugby football (XV) or cricket (XI), that is indicated. After the month and year of leaving the school, there is a brief summary of achievements in later life, and, where known, address as in 1906.
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Civil Service Appointments (1860-1860)

The Civil Service Commission published an annual list of all persons who had obtained certificates of qualification for appointment in the various public departments. The list gives full name (surname first); department (such as Post Office, or Inland Revenue); situation (such as Letter-carrier, or Clerk); and date of certificate. Candidates whose names are preceded by a dagger obtained appointments as the result of competition; a double dagger indicates open competition. Those whose names are preceded by an asterisk obtained honorary additions to their certificates either for proficiency in extra subjects chosen by themselves, or for marked proficiency in the prescribed subjects. Then follows a further list of these candidates who had obtained Honorary Additions to their Certificates in this way: giving name (surname and initials); position in the service (department and situation); subjects for which honorary additions were made; and 'extent of knowledge displayed' (such as Creditable, Fair, or Very Creditable). 1 January to 31 December 1860.
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Boys entering Tonbridge School (1860-1860)

W. O. Hughes-Hughes, late Assistant-Master of Tonbridge School, prepared this edition of the school register. The Kent grammar school was founded by royal charter in 1553, but the surviving register commences with the names of 69 boys called over on Skinners' Day 1826. After that they are arranged alphabetically by quarter to 1833, and thereafter by term of entry. Each entry gives, where known: the boy's surname (in capitals) and full christian name(s); the years when at the school; father's name; year of birth; school honours; and a resume of his subsequent career.
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Members of Oxford University (1860-1860)

The Oxford University Calendar for 1860 includes this list of all living members of the university, i. e. not only undergraduates and members of staff, but also all surviving graduates from earlier generations. The names are arranged alphabetically by surname, then by college in order of foundation. Surnames are given, initials, highest degree, name of college, and then the year of graduating the first degree. For undergraduates only name and college is given. An asterisk before a surname indicates a member on the foundation of the college.
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Printer elected to a pension (1860-1860)

The Printers' Pension Society was formed 3 December 1827 for 'the relief of aged, infirm, and distressed workmen, and their widows, in the several branches of the printing trade'. This list of pensioners elected through to December 1881 sets out in tabular form sequential number; year of election; full name (surname first); occupation (such as compositor, pressman, warehouseman, &c.); age at election; total amount paid (to December 1881 where still then living); and year of decease. The names of pensioners still alive at the end of 1881 are given in italics. The final column gives the number of husband or of widow in those cases where the spouse appears elsewhere in the list.
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Printer's widow elected to a pension (1860-1860)

The Printers' Pension Society was formed 3 December 1827 for 'the relief of aged, infirm, and distressed workmen, and their widows, in the several branches of the printing trade'. This list of pensioners elected through to December 1881 sets out in tabular form sequential number; year of election; full name (surname first); occupation (such as compositor, pressman, warehouseman, &c.); age at election; total amount paid (to December 1881 where still then living); and year of decease. The names of pensioners still alive at the end of 1881 are given in italics. The final column gives the number of husband or of widow in those cases where the spouse appears elsewhere in the list.
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Queen Victoria's Household (1860-1860)

This list of the Queen's Household comprises: The Lord Chamberlain's Department; Office of the Robes; Medical Department; Chapel Royal, St James's; Chapel Royal, Whitehall; Windsor; Hampton Court; Kensington; The Lord Steward's Department; Board of Green Cloth; Pay Office; Ewry; Wine and Beer Cellars; Kitchen; Confectionery; Pastry; Bake House; Coffee Room; Table Deckers; Silver Pantry; Coal Yard; Lamplighters; Gentlemen Porters; Porters; Stewards' Room; Servants' Hall; State Porters; Marshalmen; Coroner; Almonry; Gardeners; Yeomen of the Guard; Gentlemen-at-Arms; Master of the Horse's Department; and The Royal Hunt.
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New South Wales Intestates (1860-1860)

The probate courts of the Australian colonies furnished returns of estates of deceased intestates, giving full name, colonial residence, supposed British or foreign residence of family (often unknown, or left blank), amount of the estate and how much had been disbursed and how. The date of death is often stated, and if by accident, suicide or crime. Names were carried forward from return to return until the estate was expended or exhausted.
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Victoria Intestates (1860-1860)

The probate courts of the Australian colonies furnished returns of estates of deceased intestates, giving full name, colonial residence, supposed British or foreign residence of family (often unknown, or left blank), amount of the estate and how much had been disbursed and how. The date of death is often stated, and if by accident, suicide or crime. Names were carried forward from return to return until the estate was expended or exhausted.
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Western Australia Intestates (1860-1860)

The probate courts of the Australian colonies furnished returns of estates of deceased intestates, giving full name, colonial residence, supposed British or foreign residence of family (often unknown, or left blank), amount of the estate and how much had been disbursed and how. The date of death is often stated, and if by accident, suicide or crime. Names were carried forward from return to return until the estate was expended or exhausted.
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Supporters of the Madras Civil Orphan Asylum (1860-1860)

The list of donors and subscribers to the Madras Civil Orphan Asylum, up to 30 June 1860, gives surnames and initials: whether the sum was subscribed annually (anly.) or monthly (mly.) or consisted of donation(s) (don.), in rupees, annas and pies.
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Victims of Outrages: Kilmacrenan barony, county Donegal (1860-1860)

Return of outrages specially reported by the constabulary as committed within the barony of Kilmacrenan, county Donegal: giving date of the offence; parish and townland; name and class of the injured person; nature of the offence; number of persons arrested; and whether conviction was had or not.
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Sailors on board Her Majesty's gunboat Bouncer (1860-1861)

The China Medal was awarded to soldiers and sailors involved in the various actions of the war against China, in which this boat was engaged from 1860 to 1861. The medals were either delivered on board or sent on in 1862: except that many of the men were no longer immediately traceable, and the remarks on the roll show that some medals were not sent on for several years, and some were never sent.
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Gravestones in Santa Maura Cemetery in the Ionian Islands (1860-1869)

The Ionian Islands were occupied by British forces in 1809-1814, established as a British protectorate in 1815, and ceded to Greece in 1864. Otho Alexander, British Vice-Consul there, about 1900 transcribed the surviving legible inscriptions from the British New Cemetery at Sant Rocco, as well as those at Paxo and Santa Maura cemeteries.
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Gravestones in the British New Cemetery, Sant Rocco, the Ionian Islands (1860-1869)

The Ionian Islands were occupied by British forces in 1809-1814, established as a British protectorate in 1815, and ceded to Greece in 1864. Otho Alexander, British Vice-Consul there, about 1900 transcribed the surviving legible inscriptions from the British New Cemetery at Sant Rocco, as well as those at Paxo and Santa Maura cemeteries.
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Outstanding soldiers of the 100th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 100th (The Prince of Wales' Royal Canadian) Regiment of Foot was raised in Canada in 1858, and proceeded to England; embarked for Gibraltar in 1859; went to Malta in 1863; to Canada in 1866; and to Scotland in 1868. It returned to England in 1869: the regimental depot was on the Isle of Wight. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 101st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 1st Bengal European Fusiliers were renamed the 101st Royal Bengal Fusiliers in 1861, and moved from India to England. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 102nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 102nd (Royal Madras Fusiliers) regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 103rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 1st Bombay European Fusiliers were renamed the 103rd Regiment Royal Bombay Fusiliers in 1862. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 104th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 104th (Bengal Fusiliers) Regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 105th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 2nd European Madras Light Infantry was renamed the 105th Light Infantry in 1861. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 106th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 2nd Bombay European Light Infantry was renamed the 106th (Bombay) Light Infantry in 1861. The regiment moved from Bombay to Neemuch in 1861; to Nusseerabad in 1864; to Meean Meer in 1867; to Umballa in 1868; and to Jhansi and Nowgong in 1870. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 107th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 107th Regiment of Foot was raised in Bengal in 1853, and took part in the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, and the following campaign in Central India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 108th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 108th (Madras Infantry) regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 109th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 3rd Bombay European Regiment was renamed the 109th (Bombay Infantry) Regiment in 1862. In 1860 it was based at Kurrachee; but was moved to Aden in 1864; and then back to India in 1866. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 10th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 10th (The North Lincolnshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from India in 1859, and in 1860 was at Plymouth. The home depot was at Devonport. The second battalion was sent abroad in 1859, and by 1860 was serving at the Cape of Good Hope: it was transferred to India in 1864. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 10th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 10th (The Prince of Wales' Own) Royal Regiment of Hussars or Light Dragoons returned from the Crimea in 1856. The headquarters were at Hounslow. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 11th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 11th (North Devonshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from New South Wales in 1858, and in 1860 was at Aldershot. The home depot was at Fermoy. The second battalion was raised at Kingston-on-Hull in Yorkshire in 1858, and sent to the Cape of Good Hope in 1861. From there it was moved to Natal in 1864; to Hong Kong and Japan in 1865; back to the Cape in 1866; and in 1870 to Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 11th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 11th (or Prince Albert's Own) Regiment of Hussars returned from the Crimea in 1856. The headquarters was in Birmingham. The regiment served in Ireland from 1861 to 1865, returning to England, and then in 1866 being sent to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 12th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 12th (East Suffolk) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Australia and Tasmania in 1854, and was moved to New Zealand in 1863, taking part in the conflict there; and returning home to England in 1867. The home depot was at Walmer. The second battalion returned from the Cape of Good Hope in 1858, and in 1860 was at Aldershot. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 12th regiment of Lancers (1860-1870)

The 12th (Prince of Wales's) Royal Regiment of Lancers, having returned from the Crimea, was sent off to India within a couple of months. The home depot was at Maidstone. By 1860 the regiment was serving at Secunderabad, but in that year returned to England; and served in Ireland 1865 to 1870. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 13th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 13th, or Prince Albert's Regiment of Light Infantry was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Gibraltar in 1851, and served successively in the Crimea, at the Cape of Good Hope, and in India (1857 to 1864, being based at Gorruckpore). The home depot was at Fermoy in Ireland. Having returned to England in 1864, the battalion was moved to Ireland in 1866, and to Gibraltar in 1867. The second battalion was also based at Fermoy, but embarked for the Cape in 1859, thence to Mauritius in 1863, and back to England in 1867. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 13th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 13th Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars returned from the Crimea in 1856, embarked for Mauritius in 1857, and served in the East Indies. The home depot was at Edinburgh. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 14th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 13th (The Buckinghamshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Malta in 1854, and served successively in the Crimea and the Ionian Islands, being transferred from Corfu to the West Indies in 1860. The home depot was at Fermoy in Ireland. Having returned to England in 1862, the battalion was moved to Ireland in 1866, and to India in 1867. The second battalion was raised in Ireland in 1857; was at Mullingar in 1860; and was sent to New Zealand, taking part in the war of 1863 to 1865. In 1866 the battalion was moved to Australia and Tasmania, returning to England in 1870. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 14th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 14th (The King's) Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars embarked for India in 1841, and served at Kirkee, Bombay. The home depot was at Maidstone. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 15th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 15th (The Yorkshire East Riding) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from Gibraltar in 1857. The home depot was at Pembroke, and in 1860 they were serving on Jersey; in that year the battalion was transferred to Ireland; to North America in 1862; to Bermuda in 1868; and back to Ireland in 1870. The second battalion was raised in England in 1858, and was sent to Malta; in 1863 to Gibraltar; and in 1868 to Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 15th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 15th (The King's) Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars returned from Madras in 1854. The home depot was in Dublin. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 16th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 16th (The Bedfordshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from Canada in 1857. The home depot was at Templemore in Ireland, and in 1860 they were serving at Aldershot; in 1861 the battalion was sent to America. The second battalion was raised in Ireland in 1858, and was sent to North America in 1861; transferred to the West Indies in 1869; returning to England in 1869. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 16th regiment of Lancers (1860-1870)

The 16th (The Queen's) Regiment of Light Dragoons or Lancers returned from Bengal in 1846. In 1865 the regiment returned to India, serving there until 1876, and then came back to England. The home depot was at York. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 17th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 17th (The Leicestershire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Gibraltar in 1854, fought in the Crimea, taking part in the siege of Sebastopol, and in 1856 were moved to Canada. The home depot was at Limerick in Ireland. By 1860 they were serving in Quebec; in 1861 the battalion returned home. The second battalion was at Aldershot in 1860; went to Ireland in 1861, and to Canada; in 1865 to Jamaica; back to Canada; in 1868 back to Ireland; and in 1869 to the Channel Islands. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 17th regiment of Lancers (1860-1870)

The 17th Regiment of Light Dragoons or Lancers returned from the Crimea in 1856, and embarked for India the following year, being based at Gwalior in Bengal: for their part in suppressing the Indian Mutiny the regiment was allowed to add the words "Central India" to its colours. The home depot was at Canterbury. The regiment returned to England in 1865, and to Scotland in 1869. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 18th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 18th (The Royal Irish) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion fought in the Crimea, and in 1856 were moved to India. The battalion depot was at Buttevant in county Cork. The second battalion was based at Templemore in Ireland, and was at Aldershot in 1860. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 18th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 18th Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars was disbanded in 1821, but raised again in 1858; in 1860 it was at Aldershot; and in 1864 embarked for India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 19th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 19th (The 1st Yorkshire North Riding) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion fought in the Crimea, and in 1857 were moved to Bengal. The battalion depot was at Chatham. In 1868 the battalion took part in the Black Mountain Expedition. The second battalion was raised in 1858, and was at Aldershot in 1860: in 1863 it embarked for India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 19th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 19th Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 1st regiment of Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 1st (The King's) Regiment of Dragoon Guards, having returned from the Crimea, embarked for India in 1857, where they were based at Bangalore. The home depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 1st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 1st (The Royal, or Royal Scots) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion, having returned from the Crimea, embarked for India in 1857, where they were based at Secunderabad. The home depot was at Colchester. The second battalion was based at Birr in Ireland, but was sent abroad in 1853, and by 1860 was serving in China. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 1st regiment of Life Guards (1860-1870)

The 1st Regiment of Life Guards were based at Regent's Park. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 1st regiment of Dragoons (1860-1870)

The 1st (Royal) Regiment of Dragoons, having returned from the Crimea, were based at Dublin in 1860. In 1861 the regiment moved to England, and in 1867 back to Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 1st West India regiment (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 1st West India Regiment of Foot were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 20th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 20th (The East Devonshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion fought in the Crimea, and in 1857 was moved to India, where it took part in the capture of Lucknow. The battalion returned to England in 1867: the depot was at Chatham. In 1869 the battalion was moved to Ireland. The second battalion was raised in Ireland in 1858, and was at Dublin in 1860, and in England by 1861: in 1863 it embarked for China; 1864 to Japan; 1866 back to China; 1867 to the Cape of Good Hope; 1870 to Mauritius. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 20th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 20th Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars was disbanded in 1818, but raised again in 1860 as the 20th Light Dragoons at Muttra of volunteers from the 2nd European Bengal Light Cavalry on the amalgamation of the British and Indian forces. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 21st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 21st Regiment of Foot (The Royal North British Fusiliers) was in two battalions. The 1st battalion moved from Malta to the West Indies in 1860, returning to England in 1864, to Scotland in 1865, and to Birr in 1866: the depot was at Birr. In 1869 the battalion was moved to India. The second battalion was re-formed in Scotland in 1857; moved to England in 1858, and was at Aldershot in 1860: in 1862 it embarked for Ireland, and in 1863 was sent to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 21st regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 20th Regiment of Light Dragoons or Hussars were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 22nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 22nd (The Cheshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned to England from India in 1855: the depot was at Parkhurst. In 1869 the battalion was moved to India. The second battalion was also based at Parkhurst, and was sent to Malta in 1859; in July 1865 it was sent to Gibraltar, but the same month redirected to the Mauritius, returning to England in July 1867. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 23rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 23rd (Royal Welsh Fusiliers) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for China in 1857, but was diverted to India and took part in the capture of Lucknow, returning to England in 1869: the depot was at Chatham. The second battalion was based at Deal; it embarked for Malta in 1859; was transferred to Gibraltar in 1863; and to Canada in 1866, returning to England the following year. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 24th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 24th (The 2nd Warwickshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for India in 1846: the depot was at Chatham. The second battalion was at Aldershot in 1860. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 25th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 25th (The King's own Borderers) Regiment of Foot embarked for Gibraltar in 1858, and was there in 1860: the depot was at Athlone. A second battalion was raised in England in 1859, and sent to Ceylon in 1863, and on to India in 1868. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 26th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 26th (The Cameronian) Regiment of Foot returned from Bermuda in 1859, and was at Dublin in 1860: the depot was at Belfast. In 1861 the regiment was moved to Scotland; in 1862 to England; and in 1865 to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 27th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 27th (or Inniskilling) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1854: the depot was at Buttevant in county Cork. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 28th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 28th (The North Gloucestershire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Turkey in 1854, and took part in the Crimean War; then to Malta in 1856; and thence to India. It was stationed at Ahmednuggur in 1860. The regiment returned to England in 1865, and in 1867 to Ireland: the depot was at Fermoy. In 1868 the troops were sent to Gibraltar. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 29th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 29th (The Worcestershire) Regiment of Foot returned from Bengal in 1859, and was stationed at Preston in 1860: the depot was at Weedon. In 1862 the troops were sent to Scotland; in 1863 to Ireland; in 1865 to Malta; in 1867 to Canada; and in 1869 to the West Indies. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 2nd regiment of Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 2nd (The Queen's) Regiment of Dragoon Guards were sent to India in 1857, and were based at Lucknow by 1860. The regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 2nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 2nd (The Queen's Royal) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for South Africa in 1851, where they were based at the Cape of Good Hope. The home depot was at Walmer. The second battalion was alsi based at Walmer, but embarked for Malta in 1858, and by 1860 was serving in Cephalonia. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 2nd regiment of Life Guards (1860-1870)

The 2nd Regiment of Foot was based at Hyde Park. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 2nd regiment of Light Dragoons (1860-1870)

The 2nd (Royal North British) Regiment of Light Dragoons (the Royal Scots Greys), having returned to Ireland from the Crimea, were by 1860 serving at their headquarters at Newbridge; were moved to England in 1863; and to Ireland in 1865. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 2nd West India Regiment (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 2nd West India Regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 30th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 30th (The Cambridgeshire) Regiment of Foot returned from Gibraltar in 1857, and was stationed at the Currah in 1860: the depot was at Parkhurst. In 1860 the troops were sent to the Channel Islands; in 1861 to England; then to Canada; and in 1868 to Nova Scotia, returning to Ireland in 1869. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 31st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 31st (The Huntingdonshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Corfu in 1853, and took part in the Crimean War. By 1860 it was in China, taking part in the capture of the Taku Forts. The regiment returned to England in 1863, and in 1866 to Ireland: the depot was at Chatham. In 1867 the troops were sent to Malta. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 32nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 32nd (The Cornwall) Regiment of Foot returned from India in 1859: it was stationed at Dover in 1860: the depot was at Devonport. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 33rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 33rd (or The Duke of Wellington's) Regiment of Foot returned from the Crimea in 1856 and embarked for the Mauritius in 1857. It was serving in India in 1860: the depot was at Fermoy. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 34th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 34th (The Cumberland) Regiment of Foot returned from the Crimea in 1856 and embarked for India in 1857. It was serving there in 1860: the depot was at Colchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 35th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 35th (Royal Sussex) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1854. It was serving at Meerut in 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, and returned to England in 1868: the regimental depot was at Chatham. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 36th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 36th (The Herefordshire) Regiment of Foot returned from Jamaica in 1857. It was serving at Plymouth in 1860. It returned to Ireland in that year: the regimental depot was at Athlone. In 1863 the troops embarked for India, where they remained till 1875. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 37th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 35th (The North Hampshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Ceylon in 1846. It was serving in India in 1860. The regimental depot was at Colchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 38th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 35th (The 1st Staffordshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1857, after fighting in the Crimea. It was serving in India in 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, took part in the capture of Lucknow, and returned to England in 1872: the regimental depot was at Colchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 39th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 39th (The Dorsetshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for foreign service in 1854. It was serving at Bermuda in 1860. It returned to England in 1864, and to Ireland in 1866: the regimental depot was at Templemore. In 1869 the regiment was sent to the East Indies. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 3rd regiment of Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 3rd (The Prince of Wales's) Regiment of Dragoon Guards were sent to India in 1857, and were based at Gwalior by 1860. In 1868 they were dispatched to Abyssinia to take part in the conflict there, returning to England later that year. The regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 3rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 3rd (East Kent) Regiment of Foot (The Buffs) was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Malta in 1851, and were in 1860 serving in China. The home depot was at Limerick. The second battalion was also based there, but was sent to Malta in 1858. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 3rd regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 3rd (The King's Own) Regiment of Hussars or Light Dragoons was based in Dublin: the regiment returned from the East Indies in 1853, served in England, and was sent to India in 1868. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 3rd West India Regiment (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 3rd West India Regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 40th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 40th (The 2nd Somersetshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for New South Wales in 1852. It was serving at Melbourne in 1860. It was transferred to New Zealand, taking part in the conflict there, and returned to England in 1866, and Ireland in 1869: the regimental depot was at Birr. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 41st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 41st (The Welsh) Regiment of Foot embarked for Jamaica in 1857. It was serving in Jamaica in 1860. The regimental depot was at Devonport. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 42nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 42nd (The Royal Highland) Regiment of Foot (The Black Watch) embarked for India in 1857, having fought in the Crimea. It was serving in India in 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, taking part in the capture of Lucknow, and returned to England and Scotland in 1868: the regimental depot was at Stirling. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 43rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 43rd (Monmouthshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for the Cape of Good Hope in 1851. It was serving in India by 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, and was moved to New Zealand for the conflict there in 1863; and back to England in 1866: the regimental depot was at Chatham. In 1869 the regiment was transferred to the Channel Islands, and in 1869 to Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 44th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 44th (The East Essex) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1857, after returning from the Crimea. It was serving in India in 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny. The regimental depot was at Colchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 45th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 45th (The Nottinghamshire) Regiment of Foot returned from the Cape of Good Hope in 1859. It was serving at Preston in 1860. The regimental depot was at Parkhurst. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 46th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 46th (The South Devonshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1858, having fought in the Crimea. It was serving in the East Indies in 1860, and returned to England in 1869: the regimental depot was at Buttevant in Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 47th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 47th (The Lancashire) Regiment of Foot returned from Gibraltar in 1857. It was serving at Shorncliffe in 1860. The regimental depot was at Cork. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 48th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 48th (The Northamptonshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Corfu in 1853. Having fought in the Crimea, it was moved to India in 1858. It returned to England in 1865: the regimental depot was at Chatham: and was moved to Ireland in 1866, and to Malta in 1868. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 49th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 49th (The Princess Charlotte of Wales's, or the Hertfordshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Barbadoes in 1857, having fought in the Crimea. It returned to England in 1859, and to Ireland in 1864: the regimental depot was at Belfast. In 1865 the regiment was sent to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 4th regiment of Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 4th (Royal Irish) Regiment of Dragoon Guards, having returned to England from the Crimea, served in Ireland from 1861 to 1867. The regiment's headquarters were at Brighton. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 4th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 4th (The King's Own) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion, having returned from the Crimea, embarked for Mauritius in 1857, and served in the East Indies. The home depot was at Chichester. The second battalion was based at Walmer, but was sent abroad in 1859, and by 1860 was serving on Corfu. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 4th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 4th (The Queen's Own) Regiment of Hussars or Light Dragoons , having returned from the Crimea, were in 1860 back at their headquarters in Manchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 4th West India Regiment (1860-1870)

Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the 4th West India Regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 50th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 50th (The Queen's Own) Regiment of Foot embarked for Ceylon in 1857. It was serving there in 1860: the regimental depot was at Chatham. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 51st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 51st (The 2nd Yorkshire West Riding) or The King's Own Light Infantry Regiment embarked for India in 1857. It returned to Britain in 1867: the regimental depot was at Chichester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 52nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 52nd (Oxfordshire) Regiment of Foot (Light Infantry) embarked for India in 1853. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, taking part in the capture of Delhi, and returned to England in 1864: the regimental depot was at Chatham. In 1868 the regiment was sent to Malta. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 53rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 53rd (The Shropshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1844. It was serving at Calcutta in 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, was present at the battles of Aliwal, Sobraon and Goojerat, and the capture of Lucknow, and returned to England in 1860: the regimental depot was at Chatham. In 1864 the regiment was sent to Ireland; in 1866 to Canada; and in 1869 to the West Indies. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 54th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 54th (The West Norfolk) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1857. It returned to England in 1866: the regimental depot was at Colchester. In 1868 the troops were sent to Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 55th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 55th (The Westmoreland) Regiment of Foot returned from Gibraltar in 1857, having fought in the Crimea. It was serving at the Curragh in 1860, and in that year was moved to England: the regimental depot was at Plymouth. In 1863 the regiment was sent to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 56th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 56th (The West Essex) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1857. It returned to England in 1866 - the regimental depot was at Colchester - but was sent back to India in 1871. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 57th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 57th (The West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot embarked for Corfu in 1853, and took part in the Crimean War before being moved on to India. It was serving at Poonah in 1860. It helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, and was in 1860 moved to New Zealand, and took part in the conflict there. The regiment returned to England in 1867: the regimental depot was at Cork. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 58th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 58th (The Rutlandshire) Regiment of Foot returned from New Zealand in 1859. It was serving at Aldershot in 1860. The regimental depot was at Birr in Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 59th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 59th (The 2nd Northamptonshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Hong Kong in 1849. It was serving at the Cape of Good Hope by 1860. It returned to England and Scotland in 1861, and in 1865 to Ireland - the regimental depot was at Athlone - before being sent to Ceylon in 1867, and from there in 1869 to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 5th Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 5th (Princess Charlotte of Wales') Regiment of Dragoon Guards, having returned from the Crimea, was at the headquarters in Aldershot by 1860. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 5th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 5th Regiment of Foot (the Northumberland Fusiliers) was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Mauritius in 1847, and served in the East Indies. The home depot was at Colchester. The second battalion was based at Pembroke, but was sent abroad in 1858, and by 1860 was serving in Mauritius. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 5th regiment of Lancers (1860-1870)

The 5th (Royal Irish) Regiment of Light Dragoons, or Lancers, was at headquarters at Newbridge in 1860. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the King's Royal Rifle Corps (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers of the 60th Regiment (The King's Royal Rifle Corps) were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 61st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 61st (The South Gloucestershire) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1845. It returned from the Mauritius to England in 1860: the regimental depot was at Pembroke. In 1863 the regiment was moved to the Channel Islands; in 1864 to Ireland; in 1866 to Bermuda; and in 1870 to Canada. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 62nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 62nd (The Wiltshire) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1856 was sent to Nova Scotia, and was transferred to Canada in 1862. It returned to England in 1862, and to Ireland in 1864: the regimental depot was at Belfast. In 1869 the regiment was sent to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 63rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 63rd (The West Suffolk) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1856 was sent to Nova Scotia and Canada. It returned to England in 1865, to Scotland in 1866, and to Ireland in 1867: the regimental depot was at Belfast. In 1870 the regiment was sent to the East Indies. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 64th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 64th (The 2nd Staffordshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for Bombay in January 1849; took part in the Persian war of 1856, the battles of Reshire, Booshire and Khooshab, and the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, with the relief of Lucknow. It returned to England in 1861: the regimental depot was at Canterbury. In 1865 the regiment was sent to Ireland, and in 1867 to Malta. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 65th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 65th (The 2nd Yorkshire North Riding) Regiment of Foot embarked for New South Wales in 1846, and was moved directly from there to New Zealand. It returned to England in 1865, and to Ireland in 1867: the regimental depot was at Birr. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 66th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 66th (The Berkshire) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to the East Indies. It returned to England in 1865: the regimental depot was at Colchester. In 1867 the regiment was sent to the Channel Islands; 1868 to Ireland; and in 1870 back to the East Indies. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 67th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 67th (The South Hampshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1858, and was transferred to China, where it took part in the capture of the Taku Forts and Pekin in 1860 and the operations against the Taiping rebels in 1862-3. The right wing was sent on to Japan, where it occupied Yokohama in 1864. The regiment was then sent to the Cape of Good Hope, and it returned to Ireland in 1866: the regimental depot was at Athlone. In 1868 the regiment was sent to England. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 68th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 68th (The Durham) Regiment of Foot (Light Infantry) fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to Burmah. In 1864 the troops were moved to New Zealand, and took part in the conflict there. They returned to England in 1866: the regimental depot was at Fermoy in Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 69th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 69th (The South Lincolnshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in 1857, and returned home in 1864: the regimental depot was at Fermoy. In 1867 the regiment was sent to Canada, and in 1870 on to Bermuda. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 6th regiment of Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 6th Regiment of Dragoon Guards, the Carabineers, having returned from the Crimea, almost immediately embarked for India, and were at Meerut by 1860: they returned to England in 1861, and were sent to Ireland in 1866. The regimental depot was at Maidstone. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 6th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 6th (The Royal 1st Warwickshire) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for the Cape of Good Hope in 1846, and served in the East Indies. The home depot was at Colchester. The second battalion was based at Cork, but was sent abroad in 1858, and by 1860 was serving at Gibraltar. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 6th regiment of Dragoons (1860-1870)

The 6th (Inniskilling) Regiment of Dragoons, having returned from the Crimea, embarked for India in 1858, and by 1860 was serving at Mhow. The regimental depot was at Maidstone. The regiment came back to England in 1866. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 70th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 70th (The Surrey) Regiment of Foot embarked for Bengal in January 1849, and was transferred from India to New Zealand in 1861, taking part in the conflict there in 1863 to 1865. It returned to England in 1866: the regimental depot was at Canterbury. In 1868 the regiment was sent to Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 71st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 71st (Highland) Regiment of Foot (Light Infantry) embarked for Corfu in 1853. The regimental depot was at Perth. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 72nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 72nd (Duke of Albany's Own Highlanders) Regiment of Foot embarked for India in August 1857. It returned to England in 1865: the regimental depot was at Aberdeen. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 73rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 73rd (Perthshire) Regiment of Foot embarked for the Cape of Good Hope in 1845, was transferred to India, and in 1860 was serving at Dinapore: the regimental depot was at Chatham. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 74th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 74th (Highland) Regiment of Foot left Ireland in 1851; by 1860 it was serving in India. It returned to England and Scotland in 1864: the regimental depot was at Aberdeen. In 1866 the regiment was sent to Ireland; from there in 1868 to Gibraltar. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 75th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 75th Regiment of Foot embarked for Bengal in May 1849; it helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, taking part in the capture of Delhi and the relief of Lucknow. It returned to England in 1862: the regimental depot was at Chatham. In 1866 the regiment was sent to Ireland; in 1867 to Gibraltar; in 1868 to Hong Kong; half the regiment in 1869 to Singapore; then in 1870 to the Cape of Good Hope and Natal. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 76th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 76th Regiment of Foot returned to Dublin from Nova Scotia in October 1857: the regimental depot was at Belfast. In 1863 the regiment was sent to India, and in 1868 to Burmah. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 77th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 77th (The East Middlesex) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to Australia, and in 1858 to India. It returned to England in 1870, being the first regiment through the Suez Canal: the regimental depot was at Chatham. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 78th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 78th (Highland) Regiment of Foot (or Ross-shire Buffs) returned from India in 1859: the regimental depot was at Fort George. In 1865 the regiment was sent to Gibraltar, then on to Nova Scotia. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 79th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 79th Regiment of Foot (Cameron Highlanders) fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to India, taking part in the capture of Lucknow. The regimental depot was at Stirling. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 7th regiment of Dragoon Guards (1860-1870)

The 7th (The Princess Royal's) Regiment of Dragoon Guards embarked for India in 1857, and by 1860 were at Sealkote (Sialkot), not returning to England until 1868. The regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 7th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 7th Regiment of Foot (The Royal Fusiliers) was in two battalions. The 1st battalion, having returned from the Crimea, embarked for India in 1857, and served at Peshawar. The home depot was at Chatham. The second battalion was based at Walmer, but was sent abroad in 1858, and by 1860 was serving at Gibraltar. It was moved to Malta in 1864, to Canada in 1865, and back to England in 1867. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 7th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 7th (The Queen's Own) Regiment of Light Dragoons, or Hussars, embarked for India in 1857, and by 1860 was stationed at Umballah. The regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 80th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 80th Regiment of Foot (Staffordshire Volunteers) embarked for the Cape of Good Hope in 1856: the regimental depot was at Buttevant, in Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 81st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 81st Regiment of Foot (Loyal Lincoln Volunteers) embarked for India in 1853. It returned to England in 1865: the regimental depot was at Chatham. In 1867 the regiment was sent to Ireland, and from there in 1870 to Gibraltar. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 82nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 82nd Regiment of Foot (The Prince of Wales's Volunteers) fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to China: in India it was present at the capture of Lucknow. In 1869 the regiment was moved to Aden. It returned to England in 1870: the regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 83rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 83rd Regiment of Foot embarked for Bombay in January 1849, and took part in the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, adding "Central India" to the regimental colours. It returned to England in 1862: the regimental depot was at Chichester. In 1866 the regiment was sent to Ireland, in 1867 to Gibraltar, and in 1870 back to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 84th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 84th (York and Lancaster) Regiment of Foot returned to England from India in 1859: the regimental depot was at Pembroke, and the troops were stationed at Sheffield. In 1865 the regiment was sent to Malta; in 1867 on to Jamaica; and in 1870 to Halifax, Nova Scotia. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 85th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 85th (Buckinghamshire Volunteers) The King's Light Infantry Regiment embarked for Mauritius in 1853, and was serving at the Cape of Good Hope by 1860. It returned to England in 1863: the regimental depot was at Pembroke. In 1866 the regiment was sent to Ireland, and in 1868 to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 86th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 86th (The Royal County Down) Regiment of Foot returned from India in 1859: the regimental depot was at Templemore. In 1864 the regiment was sent to Gibraltar; in 1867 on to Port Elizabeth and Mauritius; and in 1870 to the Cape of Good Hope. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 87th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 87th Regiment of Foot (Royal Irish Fusiliers) embarked for Bengal in 1849, and in 1860 was transferred from India into China. It returned home in 1861: the regimental depot was at Buttevant in Ireland. In 1866 the regiment was sent to Gibraltar, and in 1868 on to Malta. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 88th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 88th Regiment of Foot (Connaught Rangers) embarked for India in July 1857, took part in the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, and added "Central India" to the colours. It returned to England in 1870: the regimental depot was at Colchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 89th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 89th Regiment of Foot embarked for Turkey in April 1854. After fighting in the Crimea, it was transferred to India: the regimental depot was at Fermoy. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 8th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 8th (The King's) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion embarked for Bombay in 1846, took part in the capture of Delhi and the relief of Lucknow, and returned to England in 1860. The home depot was at Chatham. The battalion moved to Ireland for 1865-1866, and then embarked from England to Malta in 1868. The second battalion was based at Templemore in Ireland, but was sent abroad in 1858, and served on Gibraltar to 1863, on Malta to 1868, then returning to England. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 8th regiment of Hussars (1860-1870)

The 8th (The King's Royal Irish) Regiment of Hussars or Light Dragoons embarked for India in 1857, and by 1860 was at Bombay. The home depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 90th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 90th Regiment of Foot (Perthshire Volunteers) (Light Infantry) fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to China. By 1860 it was stationed at Seetapore in Oude. The regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 91st regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 91st (The Argyllshire) Regiment of Foot left the Ionian Islands for India in 1858. It returned to England in 1868: the regimental depot was at Chatham. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 92nd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 92nd (Gordon Highlanders) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1858 was sent to India. It returned in 1863: the regimental depot was at Stirling. In 1868 the regiment was sent back to India. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 93rd regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 93rd (Sutherland Highlanders) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to China. It returned to Scotland in 1870: the regimental depot was at Aberdeen. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 94th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 94th Regiment of Foot was sent to India in 1857: the regimental depot was at Chatham. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 95th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 95th (The Derbyshire) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to the Cape of Good Hope; by 1860 it was serving in India, having helped suppress the Indian Mutiny, and added "Central India" to its colours. It returned to England in 1870: the regimental depot was at Fermoy in Ireland. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 96th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 96th Regiment of Foot returned to England from Gibraltar in 1857; the headquarters was at Manchester, the regimental depot at Parkhurst. In 1862 the regiment was sent to the Cape of Good Hope, and in 1865 on to the East Indies. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 97th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 97th (The Earl of Ulster's) Regiment of Foot fought in the Crimea, then in 1857 was sent to India, and took part in the capture of Lucknow. It returned to England in 1866: the regimental depot was at Colchester. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 98th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 98th Regiment of Foot was sent to India in 1857. It returned to England in 1867: the regimental depot was at Canterbury. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 99th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 99th (Lanarkshire) Regiment of Foot was sent to India in September 1858, moving on to China in 1860, taking part in the capture of Pekin, and being moved to South Africa in 1865. It returned to England in 1869: the regimental depot was at Cork. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 9th regiment of Foot (1860-1870)

The 9th (The East Norfolk) Regiment of Foot was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from Canada in 1857. The home depot was at Limerick. The second battalion was also based there, but was sent abroad in 1858, and by 1860 was serving on Corfu. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the 9th regiment of Lancers (1860-1870)

The 9th (The Queen's Royal) Regiment of Lancers or Light Dragoons returned from India in 1859. The home depot was at Exeter. The regiment served in Ireland 1864 to 1869, returning to England. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Army Hospital Corps (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Canadian Rifles (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Cape Mounted Rifles (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Ceylon Rifles (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Coldstream Guards (1860-1870)

The Coldstream Regiment of Foot Guards was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from the Crimea in 1858. The second battalion returned from Canada in 1842. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Falkland Islands Company (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Grenadier Guards (1860-1870)

The 1st (or Grenadier) Regiment of Foot Guards was in three battalions. The 1st battalion returned from Portugal in 1828, and was based at Wellington Barracks. The second battalion returned from Canada in 1842, and was based at Chelsea Barracks. The third battalion returned from the Crimea in 1856, and was at the Tower of London. Each year outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Horse Guards (1860-1870)

The Royal Regiment of Horse Guards was based at Windsor. Each year outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Malta Fencibles (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Military Labour Corps (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Military Store Staff Corps (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Military Train (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the British Army School of Musketry (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Royal Newfoundland Companies (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Rifle Brigade (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Royal Military College at Sandhurst (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the Scots Guards (1860-1870)

The Scots Fusiler Guards regiment was in two battalions. The 1st battalion returned from the Crimea in 1856. The second battalion returned from Portugal in 1828. Each year just a handful of outstanding soldiers of the regiment were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Outstanding soldiers of the British Army Staff Corps (1860-1870)

Each year outstanding soldiers were chosen for good conduct medals and gratuities: these are listed here. There were two lists, one for men recommended for the Good Conduct Medal without a gratuity, and one for gratuities - 5 to a private, 10 to a corporal, and 15 to a serjeant. Both lists are indexed here, and each gives rank, name, regimental number, date of recommendation and date of issue. (The sample scan is from the 105th foot)
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Men of the 57th Regiment who fought in the New Zealand War (1860-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for the 57th (The West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot: for service in the New Zealand campaign 1863 to 1867: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870. The regiment had been serving at Poonah in India, and was moved to New Zealand in November 1860; the men returned to England in April 1867.
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Gravestones in the British New Cemetery, Sant Rocco, the Ionian Islands (1860-1889)

The Ionian Islands were occupied by British forces in 1809-1814, established as a British protectorate in 1815, and ceded to Greece in 1864. Otho Alexander, British Vice-Consul there, about 1900 transcribed the surviving legible inscriptions from the British New Cemetery at Sant Rocco, as well as those at Paxo and Santa Maura cemeteries.
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Boys at University College School (1860-1900)

In 1830 a school was set up adjoining the University and College of London on Gower Street; the school was enlarged from 1860 to 1876, and then removed to Frognal in 1907. In 1931 this register was published, listing all boys entering the school from Christmas term of 1859 to the summer entrants of 1931. The dates are abbreviated (98-01 = 1898-1901, &c.), each session being reckoned as beginning in September of one year and ending in the July of the next; the date of joining the school is indicated by the former, although it may fall in the latter, but the date of leaving by the latter, although it may fall in the former. Thus, if a boy came at any time during the Session 1863-64 and left any time during 1868-69, his date would be given 1863-69. The boys are listed alphabetically by surname, and then chronologically under each surname, full name being given where known. An asterisk * indicates that that particular boy lost his life in the Great War: in these cases, rank and regiment have been given where possible. Addresses as of 1931 are given where known. Italics in christian names or initials indicate that that particular boy was known, in 1931, to be dead. (a) (b) &c placed before christian names indicates brothers. In some cases occupation in later life is shown (A, artist; B, barrister; C A, chartered accountant; Ch, chemist; E, engineer; H C S, home civil service; I C S, Indian civil service; Med, physician or surgeon; M S E, member of the Stock Exchange; Mus, musician; Rev, minister of religion; S, solicitor). This is the index to those boys who were at the school in the period 1860 to 1900.
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Memorials of dead Wesleyans (1861-1861)

The Christian Miscellany and Family Visiter, a Wesleyan Methodist monthly published in London, carried two or three obituaries in each issue, under the heading Memorials of the Dead. Each concentrates on the subject's spiritual life, and often will dwell on his or her expressions of resolute Christian faith in the face of death. The index includes, as well as the deceased, the occasional other persons (such as the Reverend James Taylor in this sample scan) mentioned in the narratives.
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Tabular record of Wesleyan mortality (1861-1861)

The Christian Miscellany and Family Visiter, a Wesleyan Methodist monthly published in London, carried, in most issues, a Tabular Record of Mortality, listing recent deaths. The columns of the table are: Name, Residence, [Methodist] Circuit, Age, and Date of Death.
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Classics students at Cambridge University (1861-1861)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (students getting exactly equal marks are bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. In each year two students were singled out for the Chancellor's Medals, and these are marked, (A) for senior, (B) for junior (or with a paragraph mark if adjudged of equal merit). These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Law students at Cambridge University (1861-1861)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of students with equal marks being bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became judges, &c. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Mathematics students at Cambridge University (1861-1861)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (Wranglers, Senior Optimes and Junior Optimes), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together, with the word 'AEq.'). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. Winners of Dr Smith's Mathematical Prizes are marked (1) senior, (2) for junior. The Greek letter alpha is affixed to the names of those students who had gained first class results in the Classical Tripos; beta to those entered in the second class; and gamma to those entered in the third class. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Moral Sciences students at Cambridge University (1861-1861)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Natural Sciences students at Cambridge University (1861-1861)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Theology students at Cambridge University (1861-1861)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Students at the first examination are listed as Commencing Bachelors; at the last examination as Middle Bachelors. Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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British officers and civil servants in India dying or retiring (1861-1861)

The Indian Army and Civil Service List for July 1861 was printed by order of the Secretary of State for India in Council. Each issue recorded the names of those officers and officials lost by death or resignation in the year previous.
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British officers and civil servants in India (1861-1861)

The Indian Army and Civil Service List for July 1861 was printed by order of the Secretary of State for India in Council. Dating from after the reform of British rule in India in 1858, the one volume brings together lists of British military officers and civil officials. The regimental lists for the army in the three presidencies (Bengal, Madras and Bombay) are arranged as in any Army List of the period, giving officers by rank, with date of rank in the regiment and the army, and remarks. The native regiments had been reorganised and reduced from 174,237 of all ranks on 1 January 1859 to about 110,400 men in 1861. There are summary lists of all the native military, giving for each the names and dates of appointment of the British commandant, second-in-command, adjutant and medical charge - the Agra Levy, Alexander's Horse, Allahabad Levy, Allygurh Levy, Arracan Battalion, Assam Light Infantry, Bareilly Levy, Belooch Regiments, Benares Horse, Candeish Bheel Corps, Cawnpore Levy, Cutch Legion, Deolee Irregular Force, East Indian Regiment, Erinpoora Irregular Force, Extra Goorkha Regiment, Fane's Horse, Ferozepore Regiment, Futtehgurh Levy, Ghaut Police Corps, Guide Corps, Guzerat Bheel Corps, Guzerat Cooly Police Corps, Guzerat Irregular Horse, Guzerat Police Corps, Guzerat Provincial Battalion, Gwalior Camel Corps, Gwalior Infantry, Hazara Goorka Battalion, Hill Rangers, Hodson's Horse, Hyderabad Contingent, Jacob's Rifles, Kamroop Regiment, Kemaoon Battalion, Kemaoon Levy, Khelat-i-Ghilzie Regiment, Kolapore Infantry, Lahore Horse, Lucknow Regiment, Loodianah Regiment, Mahratta Horse, Malwa Bheel Corps, Meade's Horse, Meerut Levy, Meywar Bheel Corps, Mhair Regiment, Mhairwarrah Battalion, Mooltanee Cavalry, Moradabad Levy, Murray's Jhat Horse, Mynpoorie Levy, Nagpore Irregular Force, Nusseree Battalion, Patan Cavalry, Pegu Light Infantry Battalion, Ramgurh Irregular Cavalry, Poona Horse, Poorbeah Regiment, Punjab Cavalry, Punjab Infantry, Punjab Irregulars, Robarts's Horse, Rohilcund Horse, Rutnagherry Rangers, Sattara Local Corps, Sawunt Waree Local Corps, Scinde Horse, Sebundy Sappers and Miners, Seikh Infantry, Seikh Irregulars, Shahjehanpore Levy, Shekhawatee Battalion, Sirmoor Rifles, and Sylhet Light Infantry. European civil servants are listed from the Accountant-General's Office, Audit Department, Civil Service, Government Offices, Judge Advocate-General's Department, Public Works Departments and Surveyor-General's Department; and there are clergy, law and medical lists.
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Boys entering Wellington College in Berkshire (1861-1861)

Wellington College, near Wokingham, was originally founded for the education of sons of military officers. A register of boys entering the school from First Term 1859 to Michaelmas 1933 was compiled by F. G. Lawrence for the Old Wellingtonian Society. In each entry the boy's name is given in full, in bold, surname first; age at entry (usually 11 to 14); then, in brackets, the name of the dormitory or house to which he belonged, in italics, with the years of his stay; then his father's name (usually surname and initials, but not christian name) with military decorations where appropriate. School prefects and captains are noted as such; if the boy played cricket for the school, XI with the years; academic honours, scholarships, &c.; a brief biography; and date of death, or (where known) address in 1933. Year of marriage is given, and sometimes the wife's name and/or her father's name. Clearly, those boys who kept contact with the school and/or had distinguished military careers have detailed entries; others disappeared into oblivion on leaving.
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Boys entering Epsom College (1861-1861)

The Royal Medical Benevolent College at Epsom in Surrey was founded in 1853 for the orphans of the medical profession, and evolved to become a public school still largely catering for sons of doctors and surgeons. In 1955 this register of pupils, from 1855 to 1954, edited by T. R. Thomson, was published. The sample scan is from 1880. The entries are arranged alphabetically by surname under year of entrance to the school; surname first (in bold), christian names, and then (in most cases), the father's name, occupation and address: then the boy's year of birth (b.), year of leaving (l.), occupation, and, where known, year of death (d.) This is the index to the year 1861, when the Reverend Robinson Thornton was headmaster.
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Boys entering Marlborough College (1861-1861)

The public school at Marlborough in Wiltshire was founded in 1843. In 1952 this, 9th, edition of the college register was published, being a revision by L. Warwick James of the 8th edition (of 1936): but for the years before 1936 it does not merely repeat the 8th edition, because Warwick James was able to correct the 19th-century entries with information from newly-discovered letters and books from 1843 to 1853, and the school lists from 1844 onwards. The roll is arranged by year, and within each year by term of entrance, and then alphabetically by surname within each term. Each boy is assigned a number within the year: then his name is given, surname first, and, in brackets, where a boarder, his house. The houses within the college were called B1, B2, B3, C1, C2 and C3, and the Lower School (L Sch); the out college houses were Preshute, Priory, Cotton, Hermitage, Littlefield, Barton Hill, Summerfield and Upcot. Then there is given the boy's father's name (surname and initials) and address (at entrance), the boy's date of birth (b) and month of leaving (l). Where the boy represented the school at Rugby football (XV) or cricket (XI), in the rifle corps (VIII, or RC XI), that is indicated. There is a brief summary of achievements in later life, and, where known, and date of death or (in italics) address as in 1952.
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Boys entering Crewkerne School (1861-1861)

Crewkerne Grammar School in Somerset was founded in 1499; as part of the quatercentenary celebrations a History of Crewkerne School, by the Reverend R. Grosvenor Bartelot, was published in 1899; and this included this school register from 1828 to 1899. Until 1877 only foundationers (day boys part of whose fees was paid out of the school foundation) are listed; thereafter boarders as well as day scholars. Names are arranged by date of entrance; surname is given first, then christian name, age at entry, date of entering, and date of leaving.
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Boys entering Sherborne School (1861-1861)

The grammar school at Sherborne in Dorset, which doubtless existed from the creation of the diocese of Sherborne in 705, was refounded by king Edward VI in 1550. At the quatercentenary in 1950, a fourth edition of the Sherborne Register was published, listing boys entering the school during those four centuries. In truth, the materials for this register survive but fitfully before 1823; for some years, no names are known; sometimes all that is known is a surname. But from 1823 onwards the lists and the details get steadily more comprehensive. By the 20th century the boys are listed alphabetically by surname under term of entrance. Surname is given in bold, then christian names, name of father (surname and initials) and address; year of birth; house (a, School House; b, Abbey House; c, The Green; d, Harper House (formerly The Retreat); f, Abbeylands; g, Lyon House; h, Westcott House); whether represented the school at cricket (xi), football (xv), shooting (viii), &c.; year of leaving; summary of degrees, career &c.; and (in italics), address as of 1950. Names in the early lists marked with an asterisk are found inscribed on the oak panelling or on the stone walls of the former schoolroom. (F) in the lists indicates a foundationer, receiving free education: after 1827, when this privilege was restricted to boys from Sherborne and neighbourhood, nearly all foundationers were day-boys.
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Boys entering Loretto School (1861-1861)

The Reverend Dr Thomas Langhorne, who came to Musselburgh in Midlothian as an Episcopalian Church clergyman, established a small school for boarders and day scholars at Loretto House, so called because the grounds contained the ruins of the mediaeval chapel of St Mary of Loretto. To celebrate the centenary of the school in 1925, a second edition of the school register was published, edited by A. H. Buchanan-Dunlop. Relatively little was known of many of the earliest scholars, but from 1835 onwards the register generally gives full name, in capitals, surname first; date of birth; period of time at Loretto; a brief biography; date of death; whether brother of any other boy in the register; and a sequential number.
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Boys entering Gresham's School (1861-1861)

The Sir John Gresham Grammar School at Holt in Norfolk was founded by sir John, who bought the manor house there in 1546 to convert it into a school, and building work had started by 1555. To celebrate the quatercentenary in 1955, a history of the school written by the Reverend C. L. S. Linnell was published, together with an Alumni Greshamienses, a register of boys entering the school from 1562 to 1954, compiled by A. B. Douglas. The materials to hand for the register for the early years were slight; the first coherent lists of boys survive only from 1729, and then are fitful, with little detail, and largely missing from 1784 to 1803; however, from 1810 onwards the names of boys' parents are usually recorded. The register is arranged chronologically by year (and from 1900 by term - L, Lent; M, Michaelmas; S, Summer), and then alphabetically by surname (in capitals) and christian name(s). Where known, year of birth is then given (in brackets), names, addresses and occupations of parents. From 1900 onwards there are italic abbreviations for sporting achievements at school (h, hockey colours; VIII, shooting colours; S, first-class swimmer; XI, cricket colours; XV, football colours), and p for house prefect and P for school prefect; then (in italics) information about the boy's adult life, and his address (where living) at the time of publication. Finally, on the right hand side of the page, in italics, is given the year of his leaving the school. Most detail is absent before 1810; and, of course, for the boys still at school in 1955, or only recently left, there are no details of future career; nor are there the usual details about their parentage. From 1898 onwards day boys are noted with an italic D (N means Newquay dayboy); and from 1900 onwards the school houses are shown (B, Bengal Lodge; F, Farfield; H, School House or Howson's; K, Kenwyn; O, Old School House; W, Woodlands); and, for the junior school, c, Crossways; k, Kenwyn; o, Old School House).
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Boys entering Brighton College (1861-1861)

This edition of the Brighton College Register was published in 1922. The plan of the publication was to list boys by year or, later, term of entry. Each name is assigned a sequential number, 5000 boys, in all, being recorded. Full name is given (surname first, in bold); year of birth; year of leaving; and then (wherever the compiler had such information) a short biography, ending with date of death, where known.
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Boys entering Trinity College, Glenalmond (1861-1861)

Trinity College, Glenalmond, Perthshire, was originally founded as a college at which young men might be trained for the ministry of the Scottish Episcopal Church, and the sons of the laity might be educated and brought up in the faith and tradition of the Church. In 1876 the Theological College was transferred to Edinburgh, Glenalmond remaining as a boys' school. This second edition of the school register, edited by G. St Quintin, was published in 1955, incorporating the text of the first edition prepared by E. W. Neish. The scholars are listed by term of entering the school, and then alphabetically by surname; the details then given are full christian names, date of birth; name of father; any distinctions within the school; and then a career synopsis, with date and place of death where known.
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Boys entering Giggleswick School (1861-1861)

The school at Giggleswick in the West Riding of Yorkshire dates from at least 1507, but no register of the boys attending there has survived earlier than one started by the headmaster, the reverend George Style, in 1875. When the bursar, H. L. Mullins, prepared this, 'The Giggleswick School Register', printed in 1913, he was able to compile general details of some scholars from earlier years, but the concerted, reasonably complete, account starts in 1859. The details are arranged by term of entry, then alphabetically by surname and christian name. Typically each description gives full name; date of birth; name and address of father; date of leaving. Where known, Mullins then added a brief career synopsis, present address in 1913, or date of death.
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Boys entering Cheltenham College (1861-1861)

Cheltenham College 'was founded in order to provide for the sons of gentlemen a Classical, Mathematical, and General Education of the highest order, on moderate terms, in strict conformity with the principles and doctrines of the Church of England.' Andrew Alexander Hunter, the college registrar, compiled the first edition of the College Register in four parts from 1883 to 1886: these merely listed the boys by term of entry, with their dates of birth and names and addresses of their fathers. Circulars were also sent out to all Old Cheltonians whose addresses were known, requesting additional details. On the basis of the returns from these and Hunter's further researches, this much fuller register was published in 1890. The information after each boy's name is given (where known and applicable) in this format: father's full name and address as of the time the boy entered the college; class and department on entering the college (classes being number from 1 downwards, and these again divided into A and B, some into C and D, others into P (Principal's side) and V. P. (Vice-Principal's side) - 1A was the highest class in each department: besides this, certain others were called Addiscombe, Woolwich, Civil, Direct, Line, Sandhurst, Naval, Special, Preparatory, Latin, and India Civil) and the same on leaving, name of Boarding House (or 'Day Boy'), scholastic and athletic honours attained at the college, and subsequent career (including date and place of death, or present address in 1890, if known).
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Boys entering Elizabeth College, Guernsey (1861-1861)

Elizabeth College, Guernsey, was founded in 1563 and rechartered in 1825. Charles James Durand, Kentish Brock and Edward Charles Ozanne compiled this edition of the college register, published in 1898. The names are arranged by term of entering the school, with a sequential number, surname and christian names in bold: then place and date of birth, father's name or reference to a brother previously at the school; and year of leaving. Beneath that, in smaller type, the compilers put what they could glean about the boy's subsequent career.
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Patentees of New Inventions (1861-1861)

Abstracts of British patents for new inventions applied for and granted from 1 January to 31 December 1861: giving date, name and address, and short description of the invention. It is then stated whether 'Letters patent sealed' or 'Provisional protection only'.
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Boys entering Leeds Grammar School: Upper (Classical) Department (1861-1861)

The admission books for Leeds Grammar School from 1820 to 1900 were edited by Edmund Wilson and published in 1906. The series of registers is almost complete for the period, there being in addition admission registers for the Lower (or Commercial) Department from 1856 to 1865, and lists of boys in the school in 1856, and in the Commercial Department in 1861. The entries are arranged by date or term of admission: a sequential number is given first, then surname, christian name, and, after a dash, father's christian name, occupation, and address; another dash, and then the age of the boy at admission, and often his year of leaving (with the abbreviation r. for 'removed' or 'left'). r.* means left without notice; (o) or S. or Stranger or Foreigner indicates a boy not on the foundation. The editor was unable to divine the meaning of the abbreviation (Q) or the asterisks prefixed to most entries in 1856 to 1860, but dutifully copies them into the text. In smaller type he then proceeds, where possible, to add some information about the boy's subsequent career.
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Boys in Leeds Grammar School Lower (Commercial) Department (1861-1861)

The admission books for Leeds Grammar School from 1820 to 1900 were edited by Edmund Wilson and published in 1906. The series of registers is almost complete for the period, there being in addition admission registers for the Lower (or Commercial) Department from 1856 to 1865, and lists of boys in the school in 1856, and in the Commercial Department in 1861. The entries are arranged by date or term of admission: a sequential number is given first, then surname, christian name, and, after a dash, father's christian name, occupation, and address; another dash, and then the age of the boy at admission, and often his year of leaving (with the abbreviation r. for 'removed' or 'left'). r.* means left without notice; (o) or S. or Stranger or Foreigner indicates a boy not on the foundation. The editor was unable to divine the meaning of the abbreviation (Q) or the asterisks prefixed to most entries in 1856 to 1860, but dutifully copies them into the text. In smaller type he then proceeds, where possible, to add some information about the boy's subsequent career.
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Boys entering Leeds Grammar School Lower (Commercial) Department (1861-1861)

The admission books for Leeds Grammar School from 1820 to 1900 were edited by Edmund Wilson and published in 1906. The series of registers is almost complete for the period, there being in addition admission registers for the Lower (or Commercial) Department from 1856 to 1865, and lists of boys in the school in 1856, and in the Commercial Department in 1861. The entries are arranged by date or term of admission: a sequential number is given first, then surname, christian name, and, after a dash, father's christian name, occupation, and address; another dash, and then the age of the boy at admission, and often his year of leaving (with the abbreviation r. for 'removed' or 'left'). r.* means left without notice; (o) or S. or Stranger or Foreigner indicates a boy not on the foundation. The editor was unable to divine the meaning of the abbreviation (Q) or the asterisks prefixed to most entries in 1856 to 1860, but dutifully copies them into the text. In smaller type he then proceeds, where possible, to add some information about the boy's subsequent career.
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Boys entering Harrow School (1861-1861)

This First Volume of the Second Series of the Harrow School Register was edited by J. H. Stogdon and published in 1925. The boys are listed by term of entrance, and then alphabetically by surname and christian names (in bold). Next, in brackets and in italics, is the school house to which he belonged - or, H. B. indicating a day boy whose family lived in Harrow. Stogdon then gives the father's surname and initials, and address. In cases where the boy was prominent in sports at school, or won academic prizes, scholarships &c., that is given; then the year of leaving the school; and a synopsis of his career, so far as known.
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Boys entering Sedbergh School (1861-1861)

B. Wilson prepared this edition of the register of the Grammar School at Sedbergh in the West Riding of Yorkshire, published in 1895. Sedbergh school had three exhibitions at St John's College, Cambridge, and for the earliest years little more could be found about the pupils at the school than was recorded at St John's or other colleges. In 1700-1706 the first material from Sedbergh appears, but no more than lists of surnames. From 1746 onwards full names, or surnames and initials, are found for those boys who did not continue to university. It is only from 1820 onwards that the school register starts to give detail: month of entry, age, birthplace, and month of leaving. From then onwards Wilson was able to add more and more biographical detail, except, of course, for those boys in 1895 still at the school or with their careers yet ahead of them.
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Boys entering Uppingham School (1861-1861)

The public school at Uppingham in Rutland was founded by Archdeacon Johnson in 1584. A roll of scholars from 1824 to 1905 was edited by J. P. Graham, and published in 1906. This was a revision and updating of an 1894 edition of the roll, the great bulk of the work having been done by Mrs Mullins. The roll is arranged by year, and within each year by term of entrance, and then alphabetically by surname within each term. Each boy's name is given, surname first, with an asterisk where known (in 1906) to have died. Then there is month and year of birth, father's name (most often just surname and initials) and address (at entrance). Where the boy represented the school at Rugby football (XV) or cricket (XI), that is indicated. After the month and year of leaving the school, there is a brief summary of achievements in later life, and, where known, address as in 1906.
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Civil Service Appointments (1861-1861)

The Civil Service Commission published an annual list of all persons who had obtained certificates of qualification for appointment in the various public departments. The list gives full name (surname first); department (such as Post Office, or Inland Revenue); situation (such as Letter-carrier, or Clerk); and date of certificate. Candidates whose names are preceded by a dagger obtained appointments as the result of competition; a double dagger indicates open competition. Those whose names are preceded by an asterisk obtained honorary additions to their certificates either for proficiency in extra subjects chosen by themselves, or for marked proficiency in the prescribed subjects. Then follows a further list of these candidates who had obtained Honorary Additions to their Certificates in this way: giving name (surname and initials); position in the service (department and situation); subjects for which honorary additions were made; and 'extent of knowledge displayed' (such as Creditable, Fair, or Very Creditable). 1 January to 31 December 1861.
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Boys entering Tonbridge School (1861-1861)

W. O. Hughes-Hughes, late Assistant-Master of Tonbridge School, prepared this edition of the school register. The Kent grammar school was founded by royal charter in 1553, but the surviving register commences with the names of 69 boys called over on Skinners' Day 1826. After that they are arranged alphabetically by quarter to 1833, and thereafter by term of entry. Each entry gives, where known: the boy's surname (in capitals) and full christian name(s); the years when at the school; father's name; year of birth; school honours; and a resume of his subsequent career.
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Residents and Traders in Birmingham (1861-1861)

William Cornish's Corporation General and Trades Directory covered Birmingham, Coventry and the towns of the Black Country. The Birmingham section contains both street lists and this general alphabetical directory.
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Abergavenny (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Aberystwyth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Abingdon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alcester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alderbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alnwick (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alresford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alston-with-Garrigill (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alstonfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alton (Hampshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Altrincham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Alverstoke (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Amersham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Amesbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ampthill (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Andover (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Arundel (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ash (Surrey) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ashbourne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ashby-de-la-Zouch (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ashton-under-Lyne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Aston (Warwickshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Atcham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Atherstone (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Auckland (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Axbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Axminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Aylesbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Aylesbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bainbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bakewell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bala (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Banbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bangor & Beaumaris (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Barnet (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Barnsley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Barnstaple (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Barrow upon Soar (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Barton-on-Irwell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Barwick in Elmet (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Basford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Basingstoke (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bath (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Battle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Beaminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bedale (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bedford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bedminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bedwellty (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Belford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Belper (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Berkhampstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bermondsey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Berwick-upon-Tweed (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bethnal Green (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Beverley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bicester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bideford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Biggleswade (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Billericay (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Billesdon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Birmingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bishop's Stortford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Blaby (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Blackburn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Blandford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Blean (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Blything (Suffolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bodmin (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bolton(-le-Moors) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bootle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bosmere & Claydon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Boston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bourne (Lincolnshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brackley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bradfield (Berkshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bradford (Yorkshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bradford (Wiltshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Braintree (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brampton (Cumberland) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brecknock (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brentford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bridge (Kent) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bridgend and Cowbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bridgnorth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bridgwater (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bridlington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bridport (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brighton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brinton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bristol: St Peter's Hospital (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Brixworth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bromley (Kent) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bromsgrove (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bromyard (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Buckingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Buntingford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Burnley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Burton-upon-Trent (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bury (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Bury St Edmunds (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Caistor (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Calne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Camberwell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cambridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Canterbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cardiff (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cardigan (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Carlisle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Carlton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Carmarthen (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Carnarvon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Castle Ward (Northumberland) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Catherington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Caton (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Caxton and Arrington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cerne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chailey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chapel-en-le-Frith (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chard (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cheadle (Staffordshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chelmsford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chelsea, St Luke (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cheltenham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chepstow (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chertsey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chester-le-Street (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chesterfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chesterton (Cambridgeshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chichester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chippenham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chipping Norton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chipping Sodbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chorley (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Chorlton (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Christchurch (Hampshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Church Stretton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cirencester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cleobury Mortimer (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Clerkenwell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Clifton (Gloucestershire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Clitheroe (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Clun (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Clutton (Somerset) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cockermouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Colchester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Congleton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cookham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Corwen (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cosford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Coventry (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cranbrook (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Crediton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Crickhowell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cricklade and Wootton Bassett (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Croydon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Cuckfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Darlington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dartford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Daventry (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Depwade (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Derby (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Devizes (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dewsbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Docking (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Doncaster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dorchester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dore (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dorking (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dover (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Downham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Drayton (Shropshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Driffield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Droitwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dudley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dunmow (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Durham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Dursley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East and West Flegg (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Easington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Easingwold (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East Stonehouse (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East Ashford (Kent) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East Grinstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East London (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East Preston (Sussex) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East Retford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: East Ward (Westmorland) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Eastbourne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Easthampstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Eastry (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ecclesall Bierlow (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Edmonton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Elham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ellesmere (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ely (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Epping (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Epsom (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Erpingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Eton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Evesham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Exeter (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Falmouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Fareham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Faringdon (Berkshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Farnborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Farnham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Faversham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Festiniog (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Foleshill (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Fordingbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Forehoe (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Freebridge Lynn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Frome (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Fulham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Fylde (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Gainsborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Garstang (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Gateshead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Glanford Brigg (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Glendale (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Glossop (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Gloucester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Godstone (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Goole (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Gower (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Grantham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Gravesend and Milton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Great Ouseburn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Great Preston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Greenwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Great Yarmouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Guildford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Guiltcross (Norfolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Guisborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hackney (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hailsham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Halifax (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Halstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Haltwhistle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hambledon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hampstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hardingstone (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hartismere (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hartley Wintney (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Haslingden (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hastings (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hatfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Havant (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Haverfordwest (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hawarden (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hay (Brecknock) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hayfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Headington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Headley (Hampshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Helmsley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Helston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hemel Hempstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hendon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Henley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Henstead (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hereford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hertford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hexham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Highworth and Swindon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hinckley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hitchin (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Holborn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hollingbourne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Holywell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Honiton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hoo (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Horncastle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Horsham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Houghton-le-Spring (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Howden (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hoxne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Huddersfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hungerford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Huntingdon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Hursley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ipswich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Isle of Wight (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Isle of Thanet (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Keighley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kendal (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kensington Parish (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kettering (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Keynsham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kidderminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: King's Lynn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kings Norton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kingsbridge (Devon) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kingsclere (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kingston (Surrey) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kingston-upon-Hull (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kington (Herefordshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Kirkby Moorside (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Knaresborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Knighton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lambeth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lancaster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lanchester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Langport (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Launceston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leeds Township (Yorkshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leek (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leicester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leigh (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leighton Buzzard (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leominster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lewes (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lewisham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newtown and Llanidloes (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lexden and Winstree (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Leyburn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lichfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lincoln (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Linton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Liskeard (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Liverpool (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Llanelly (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Llanfyllin (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Loddon and Clavering (Norfolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: London, City (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Longtown (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Loughborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Louth (Lincolnshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ludlow (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Luton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lutterworth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Lymington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Macclesfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Madeley (Shropshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Maidstone (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Maldon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Malling (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Malmesbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Malton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Manchester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Mansfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Market Bosworth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Market Harborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Marlborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Martley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Medway (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Melksham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Melton Mowbray (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Mere (Wiltshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Meriden (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Merthyr Tydfil (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Midhurst (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Mile End Old Town (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Milton (Kent) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Mitford and Launditch (Norfolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Monmouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Montgomery and Pool (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Morpeth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Mutford and Lothingbury (Suffolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Nantwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Narberth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Neath (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: New Winchester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: New Forest (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newark (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newcastle-under-Lyme (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newcastle upon Tyne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newcastle Emlyn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newent (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newhaven (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newington St Mary (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newmarket (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newport (Shropshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newport (Monmouthshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newport Pagnell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Newton Abbot (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: North Aylesford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: North Bierley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: North Witchford (Cambridgeshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Northallerton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Northampton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Northleach (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Northwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Norwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Nottingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Nuneaton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Oakham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Okehampton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Oldham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ongar (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ormskirk (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Orsett (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Oswestry (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Oundle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Oxford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Paddington Parish (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pateley Bridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Patrington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pembroke (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Penkridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Penrith (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Penzance (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pershore (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Peterborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Petersfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Petworth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pewsey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pickering (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Plomesgate (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Plymouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Plympton St Mary (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pocklington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Poole (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Poplar Union (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Portsea Island (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Potterspury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Prescot (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Preston (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Prestwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Pwllheli (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Radford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Reading (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Redruth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Reeth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Reigate (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Richmond (Surrey) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Richmond (Yorkshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ringwood (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ripon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Risbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rochdale (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rochford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Romford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Romney Marsh (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Romsey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ross (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rotherbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rotherham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rotherhithe (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Royston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rugby (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ruthin (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Rye (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Saddleworth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Saffron Walden (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Salford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Salisbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Samford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Scarborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sculcoates (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sedbergh (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sedgefield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Seisdon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Selby (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Settle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sevenoaks (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Shaftesbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Shardlow (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sheffield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sheppey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Shepton Mallet (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sherborne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Shifnal (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Shipston-on-Stour (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Shrewsbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Skipton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Skirlaugh (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sleaford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Solihull (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: South Stoneham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: South Shields (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Southam (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Southampton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: South Molton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Southwell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Spalding (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Faith's (Norfolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St George the Martyr (Surrey) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Austell (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Albans (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Asaph (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Columb Major (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St George-in-the-East (Middlesex) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Germans (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Giles-in-the-Fields and St George Bloomsbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Ives (Huntingdonshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St James Westminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Leonard, Shoreditch, Parish (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Luke Parish (Middlesex) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Martin-in-the-Fields (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Mary, Islington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Marylebone (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Neot's (Huntingdonshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Olave's (Surrey) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Pancras Parish (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Saviour (Surrey) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St Thomas's (Devon) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stafford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Staines (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stamford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stapleton, Bristol (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stepney (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Steyning (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St George Hanover Square (Little Chelsea) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: St George Hanover Square (Mount Street) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stockbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stockport (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stockton (County Durham) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stoke Damerel (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stoke-upon-Trent (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stokesley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stone (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stourbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stow (Suffolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stow-on-the-Wold (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Strand (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stratford-on-Avon (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Stroud (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sturminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sudbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sunderland (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Sutton (Sussex) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Swaffham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Swansea (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tamworth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Taunton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tavistock (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
>> Search this source

Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Teesdale (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tenbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tendring (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tenterden (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tetbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tewkesbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thakeham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thame (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thetford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thirsk (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thornbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thorne (Yorkshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Thrapston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ticehurst (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tisbury (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tiverton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tonbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Torrington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Totnes (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Towcester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Toxteth Park (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Truro (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tunstead and Happing (Norfolk) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Tynemouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Uckfield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ulverston (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Uppingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Upton-on-Severn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Uttoxeter (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Uxbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wakefield (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wallingford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Walsall (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Walsingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wandsworth and Clapham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wangford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wantage (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Ware (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wareham and Purbeck (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Warminster (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Warrington (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Warwick (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Watford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Weardale (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wellingborough (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wellington (Shropshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wellington (Somerset) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wells (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Welwyn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wem (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Weobley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West Ashford (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West Bromwich (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West Derby (Lancashire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West Firle (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West Ham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West London (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: West Ward (Westmorland) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Westbourne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Westbury and Whorwellsdown (Wiltshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Westbury-on-Severn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Westhampnett (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Westminster (St Margaret and St John parishes) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Weymouth (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wheatenhurst (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Whitby (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Whitchurch (Shropshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Whitchurch (Hampshire) (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Whitechapel (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Whitehaven (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Whittlesey (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wigan (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wigton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Williton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wilton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wimborne and Cranborne (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wincanton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Winchcomb (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Windsor (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Winslow (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wirral (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wisbech (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Witney (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Woburn (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wokingham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wolstanton and Burslem (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wolverhampton (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Woodbridge (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Woodstock (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Worcester (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Worksop (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wortley (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wrexham (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Wycombe (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: Yeovil (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Long-stay Paupers in Workhouses: York (1861-1861)

This comprehensive return by the Poor Law Board for England and Wales in July 1861 revealed that of the 67,800 paupers aged 16 or over, exclusive of vagrants, then in the Board's workhouses, 14,216 (6,569 men, 7,647 women) had been inmates for a continuous period of five years and upwards. The return lists all these long-stay inmates from each of the 626 workhouses that had been existence for five years and more, giving full name; the amount of time that each had been in the workhouse (years and months); the reason assigned why the pauper in each case was unable to sustain himself or herself; and whether or not the pauper had been brought up in a district or workhouse school (very few had). The commonest reasons given for this long stay in the workhouse were: old age and infirm (3,331); infirm (2,565); idiot (1,565); weak mind (1,026); imbecile (997); and illness (493).
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Printer elected to a pension (1861-1861)

The Printers' Pension Society was formed 3 December 1827 for 'the relief of aged, infirm, and distressed workmen, and their widows, in the several branches of the printing trade'. This list of pensioners elected through to December 1881 sets out in tabular form sequential number; year of election; full name (surname first); occupation (such as compositor, pressman, warehouseman, &c.); age at election; total amount paid (to December 1881 where still then living); and year of decease. The names of pensioners still alive at the end of 1881 are given in italics. The final column gives the number of husband or of widow in those cases where the spouse appears elsewhere in the list.
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Printer's widow elected to a pension (1861-1861)

The Printers' Pension Society was formed 3 December 1827 for 'the relief of aged, infirm, and distressed workmen, and their widows, in the several branches of the printing trade'. This list of pensioners elected through to December 1881 sets out in tabular form sequential number; year of election; full name (surname first); occupation (such as compositor, pressman, warehouseman, &c.); age at election; total amount paid (to December 1881 where still then living); and year of decease. The names of pensioners still alive at the end of 1881 are given in italics. The final column gives the number of husband or of widow in those cases where the spouse appears elsewhere in the list.
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Members of Durham University and Newcastle College of Medicine (1861-1861)

This alphabetical list of members of the University of Durham and of the College of Medicine, Newcastle, gives full names; those marked with an asterisk being Members of Convocation; those marked with a dagger being either fellows or late fellows of the university. On the righthand side is a column of dates. In the case of graduates this is the year in which the examination for the degree of B. A. was passed; and in the case of Licentiates in Theology, and of Civil Engineers, to the year in which each passed the final examination. Those dates that are marked with a double dagger are years in which the graduate, being a member of another university, passed the final examination in theology at Durham. The centre column gives the degree and, where appropriate, college.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Bethnal Green (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Camberwell (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Chelsea (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Drury Lane (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Gray's Inn Road (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Kidderminster (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Lambeth (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Manchester Square (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Norwood (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Notting Hill (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Paddington (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Pimlico (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Richmond (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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Carpenters Excluded from the Union: Sheffield (1861-1861)

Each annual report of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners included a list of excluded members, arranged by branch. The great majority of the exclusions were for non-payment of entrance money or arrears, but other reasons are cited from time to time - fraud; bringing the society into discredit; dishonesty; entering the society under false pretences; working contrary to the society's interest; not being a competent workman. In most cases names are given in full.
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New South Wales Intestates (1861-1861)

The probate courts of the Australian colonies furnished returns of estates of deceased intestates, giving full name, colonial residence, supposed British or foreign residence of family (often unknown, or left blank), amount of the estate and how much had been disbursed and how. The date of death is often stated, and if by accident, suicide or crime. Names were carried forward from return to return until the estate was expended or exhausted.
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Victoria Intestates (1861-1861)

The probate courts of the Australian colonies furnished returns of estates of deceased intestates, giving full name, colonial residence, supposed British or foreign residence of family (often unknown, or left blank), amount of the estate and how much had been disbursed and how. The date of death is often stated, and if by accident, suicide or crime. Names were carried forward from return to return until the estate was expended or exhausted.
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Members of the Royal Agricultural Society of England (1861-1861)

The list of members of the Royal Agricultural Society gives names and addresses: life members are indicated by a dagger. (The names of 60 members were omitted on account of their subscriptions to the society being in arrear to 31 December 1859). This list is correct to June 1861; as of 11 December of that year there were 84 life governors, 95 annual governors, 1124 life members, 3399 annual members and 17 honorary members, making a total of 4719 names, mostly of landowners and agriculturists.
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Women Students Entering Stockwell Teacher Training College (1861-1861)

This list, revised to August 1908, gives the student's name and her then address (if known); the Remarks column indicates whether she left the course early; left the profession; went abroad; died; became a headmistress; and/or married: married name is often given.
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Women Students Entering Stockwell Teacher Training College: Married Surname (1861-1861)

This list, revised to August 1908, gives the student's name and her then address (if known); the Remarks column indicates whether she left the course early; left the profession; went abroad; died; became a headmistress; and/or married: married name is often given.
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Victims of Outrages: Kilmacrenan barony, county Donegal (1861-1861)

Return of outrages specially reported by the constabulary as committed within the barony of Kilmacrenan, county Donegal: giving date of the offence; parish and townland; name and class of the injured person; nature of the offence; number of persons arrested; and whether conviction was had or not.
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Aberdeen (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Alvah (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Ayr (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Ayton (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Cupar (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Dalkeith (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Duddingstone & Portobello (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Dunkeld (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Dunse (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Edinburgh (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Galashiels (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Greenock (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Inverness (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Largs (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Leith (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Mauchline (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Montrose (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Selkirk (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: St Andrew's (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Contributors to Female Missions of the Church of Scotland: Turriff (1861-1862)

Contributions received on behalf of the Ladies' Association for Promoting the Education of Jewish Females; from 30 November 1861 to 30 November 1862
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Men of the 70th Regiment who fought in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for the 70th (The Surrey) Regiment of Foot: for service in the New Zealand campaign 1863 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870. The regiment embarked for Bengal 18 January 1849, and was moved to New Zealand in 1861; the men returned to England in 1866.
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Men of the Auckland Militia who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for members of the Auckland Militia who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat Transport Corps in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Civilians who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for civilians who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Civilians who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for civilians who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat Transport Corps in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Men of the local forces who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for members of the local forces who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Men of the local forces who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for members of the local forces who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat Transport Corps in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Artillerymen who fought in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for the Royal Artillery: for service in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Military engineers who fought in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for the Royal Engineers: for service in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Men of the 1st Waikato Regiment who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for members of the 1st Waikato Regiment who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat Transport Corps in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Men of the 2nd Waikato Regiment who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for members of the 2nd Waikato Regiment who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat Transport Corps in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Men of the 3rd Waikato Regiment who served in the New Zealand War (1861-1870)

New Zealand War Medal roll for members of the 3rd Waikato Regiment who volunteered for service in the Imperial Commissariat Transport Corps in the New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: the rolls were compiled following a general order in 1869 and the medals were distributed in 1870.
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Recipients of the New Zealand War Medal (1861-1871)

The New Zealand War Medal was awarded for service New Zealand campaign 1861 to 1866: this further progress report issued by the medal committee in Wellington 2 September 1871 lists officers and men of the colonial forces who had made application for the medal for services rendered prior to 31 December 1866, and whose claims had been admitted by the commissioners; as well as those whose claims had been rejected (with the reason); and also those officers and men included in the rolls formed by the late commissioners whose names also appear in the lists of those granted medals by the Imperial Government.
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Classics students at Cambridge University (1862-1862)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (students getting exactly equal marks are bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. In each year two students were singled out for the Chancellor's Medals, and these are marked, (A) for senior, (B) for junior (or with a paragraph mark if adjudged of equal merit). These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Law students at Cambridge University (1862-1862)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of students with equal marks being bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became judges, &c. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Mathematics students at Cambridge University (1862-1862)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (Wranglers, Senior Optimes and Junior Optimes), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together, with the word 'AEq.'). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. Winners of Dr Smith's Mathematical Prizes are marked (1) senior, (2) for junior. The Greek letter alpha is affixed to the names of those students who had gained first class results in the Classical Tripos; beta to those entered in the second class; and gamma to those entered in the third class. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Moral Sciences students at Cambridge University (1862-1862)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: this list was printed in 1890, and was annotated with asterisks to show which students had subsequently become fellows of the university; and with footnotes showing those who became headmasters, &c., elsewhere. These lists are particularly useful in identifying for an individual the fellow-students who will have attended lectures with him; and, where from the college, are likely to have been even more closely associated by having been under the same supervisor. (The sample scan is from the start of the Mathematics Tripos list for 1770)
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Natural Sciences students at Cambridge University (1862-1862)

Tripos lists or examination results for the year, arranged by class (First, Second and Third), and within each class in order of score in the examination (the names of candidates with equal scores are bracketed together). Each student's surname and college is given: t